Hate speech main reason for sectarian conflicts: study

Islamabad
One of the most common triggers of Shia-Sunni conflict in Pakistan is hate speech ranging from sermons through loudspeakers and pamphlet distribution in markets and communities, to the sectarian messages transmitted through mass media.
Conclusion was made in a study entitled ‘Shia-Sunni Conflict in Pakistan: Community Mechanism for Resolution.’ The study is conducted by Jamal Janjua and Zeeshan Noel under AWAAZ, a five-year long programme funded by UKAid through the Department for International Development (DFID). The districts chosen for this study included Rawalpindi, Dera Ghazi Khan and Dera Ismael Khan.
The study which thoroughly discusses the background, challenges and solutions of Shia-Sunni conflict in Pakistan, was launched in an event ‘Chalay Chalo Kay Wo Manzil Abhi Nahi Ayee’ organised by AWAAZ on Wednesday. Another study entitled ‘Migration of Minorities in Pakistan’ was launched on the same event.
The study says that Pakistan is home to the second largest Shia community in the world after Iran; 20 percent of Pakistan’s population, or an estimated 36 million, is Shia. More than 3,800 people have been killed in the sectarian conflicts during the last ten years.
The study proves that the unfolding of Shia-Sunni conflicts is often abrupt, providing little opportunity to avoid the loss of lives. During the month of Muharram when sectarian tension is at its peak, it takes just one sermon from a mosque, or a pamphlet, or a Zikr in the majlis to trigger a conflict and provoke certain groups to stand against each other. In recent years, it was observed that the month of Rabi-ul-Awwal has also become a sensitive time, and the observance of the birth of the Prophet (PBUH) has led to inter-sect and intra-sect frictions.
Once the hatred is passed on to the public through a loudspeaker, pamphlet, or poster, mob psychology is unveiled and manifests inherent prejudices against each other. Sometimes, it is just hearsay which leads to violence and makes people take extreme positions.
The same pattern was recorded in sectarian riots that took place in Rawalpindi in 2013. The sermon from the mosque on the route of the Ashura procession provoked the Shia mourners to pelt stones on the mosque and then started riots between the two communities that lasted a week.
Other than bloodshed and irrecoverable loss of human life, sectarian conflicts have significant economic implications.
These stem from economic losses that occur when markets are closed, willingly or unwillingly, in the wake of a conflict even if only for a day. This has a direct impact on all the stakeholders including business owners, shopkeepers and retailers, daily wage labourers, and buyers.
In Dera Ghazi Khan, the average amount of economic loss for one day in Rani Bazar when it was shut down as a result of sectarian tension and attacks, was about Rs20 million. This bazar has 900 shops and is famous for ornaments, garments, and other things for women. In Sarafa Bazar, the average economic loss is about Rs1 billion if business is closed for one day.
The study says that another consequence of sectarian conflicts is internal and external displacement, and this has been the case with the Shia community in Dera Ismail Khan and Quetta.
It points out that despite high probability of sectarian conflicts with accompanying significant loss of lives, very few serious and consistent efforts are seen to address the reasons behind them.
Most of the interventions at policy and societal level are ad-hoc and reactive in nature and only limited to helping out when a violent incident has already taken place.
The study recommends that this conflict can be resolved if formal mechanisms of conflict pre-emption and resolution i.e. district peace committees, should be made mandatory and permanent bodies through an act of the provincial assembly. These committees should also be replicated at Union Council levels and composition of these committees should be revised in order to have representation of women and other key stakeholders other than the religious scholars of other sects.
The study ‘Migration of Minorities in Pakistan’ by Safiya Aftab and Arif Taj probe the challenges being faced by minority groups in Pakistan and the probable solution. The study says that the accounts of persecution and subsequent migration of minorities the researchers came across point to a complete breakdown of the citizen-state compact in Pakistan.
The respondents of the research expressed no hope of intervention of law enforcement agencies on their behalf, nor did they feel that they had the option of recourse to the judicial system.
The key findings of the study show that militant organisations alone, or in some cases, in conjunction with certain political parties, are carrying out a sustained campaign against minorities in general and some communities in particular.
Minorities are being ghetto-ised, and are increasingly retreating to “safe haven” settlements or towns where they are surrounded by other members of their community. The threat of use of the blasphemy law is enough to force the potential accused to flee.
The report says that Ahmadi community is facing a form of state endorsed persecution, and as such, their situation is the most untenable of all minority groups. Ahmadis are extremely vulnerable to two pieces of legislation, Ordinance XX and Sections 295B and C. As such, accusations against individuals or the community at large can arise at the slightest pretext. Further, inciting mob violence against the community is relatively easy, as a sustained hate campaign has been carried out against the community for decades.
The Christian community is generally centered amongst the poorest sections of society, who are also the most vulnerable to blasphemy accusations. According to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), around 90 percent of cases filed under this Section are against Christians. Many sanitary workers are illiterate, and cannot defend themselves if accused of mishandling religious texts.
On the other hand, forced conversions of Hindu girls have rendered the Hindu community fearful and apprehensive.
Members of the Hindu community, mainly in Sindh but also in South Punjab, have been agitating about how Hindu girls are forced into marriages with Muslim men, and are not only forced to convert, but are also prevented from ever contacting their families.
The study claims that a form of apartheid is practised against Hindus in Pakistan. The discriminatory practices against Hindus are of the worst kind. Their community is systematically vilified in textbooks, and their
interaction with relatives across the border is deemed suspicious.
The Sikh community has been targeted by militants, and has responded with large-scale migration from the tribal area. Sikh persecution is largely confined to the Pashtun belt. In Punjab, the community is shielded by its relatively superior socio-economic status, and the fact that it tends to remain confined to areas around places of worship.
The report stresses for an urgent need to control hate speech. It also recommends the establishment of that National Human Rights Commission which has already been approved by the National Assembly and the Senate.
The launch of studies was followed by a panel discussion on the topic of ‘Civil and Social Movements in Pakistan.’ The speakers included Chief Executive Strengthening Participatory Organisation Naseer Memon, Deputy Director South Asia Partnership Pakistan Irfan Mufti, Executive Director Sungi Sajid Qaisrani and Chief Operating Officer Aurat Foundation Naeem Ahmed Mirza. The panelists talked about the rights movements in Pakistan and the sacrifices made by the civil society to achieve democracy and freedom.