We’ve all heard it before: “Naujawaan iss qom ka asasa hain” (The youth are the assets of this nation). They are the future. The pride of the nation. The architects of tomorrow.
These words echo from political rallies, media screens, and every youth-focused seminar brochure. But how often does this promise translate into something meaningful?
More often than not, it doesn’t.
A closer examination of how youth are addressed in the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) of Pakistan, Nepal and Kenya reveals a stark disparity between rhetorical inclusion and structural empowerment. While Pakistan’s NDC mentions youth as ‘partners’ in climate action, this role is not substantiated by institutional mechanisms, measurable targets, or dedicated resources. In contrast, both Nepal and Kenya have made decisive moves to embed youth not just in consultations, but in the very architecture of climate governance itself.
In Pakistan’s 2021 updated NDC, youth are discussed in Section 6.2: “Youth and Volunteer Engagement”, which highlights broad commitments such as creating jobs and entrepreneurship opportunities for youth in climate sectors and developing a National Youth Strategy for Climate Action.
The NDC further outlines its intentions to promote opportunities for youth groups to engage in and benefit from Pakistan’s adaptation and mitigation objectives, particularly through job creation, entrepreneurship, macro-enterprises and start-ups. It also proposes working with youth groups to develop a National Youth Strategy, which would strengthen both individual and collective climate actions. This strategy would involve youth in research and innovation related to NDC implementation and produce an independent report, authored by youth, on their role in this process.
The NDC also calls for engagement with the Ministry of Education, the Higher Education Commission, universities and civil society organisations to promote a climate education curriculum. These commitments reflect a promising recognition of youth as essential actors in climate policy.
However, they remain largely aspirational: the document does not provide mechanisms for accountability, institutional representation, or funding. Without timelines, measurable indicators, or formal roles for youth in governance structures, Pakistan’s approach to youth in climate policy continues to lack the structural grounding seen in countries like Nepal and Kenya.
By contrast, Nepal’s NDC 3.0 (2025) exemplifies structural integration. From the outset, Nepal’s document describes an “extensive and inclusive stakeholder consultation process involving youth, women, Persons with Disabilities, and Indigenous Peoples”. This framing reflects a commitment to intersectional climate justice. Nepal does not stop at inclusion in consultations; it institutionalises youth participation through dedicated platforms, policy targets, and implementation programmes. The NDC promises the operationalisation of “climate platforms in all government tiers with climate champions in sub-national governments”, explicitly promoting youth and other marginalised groups.
The GEDSI (Gender Equality, Disability, and Social Inclusion) section of Nepal’s NDC goes further by stating: “Youth and other marginalised group-led innovation, research, and MSMEs will be supported for sustainable and climate-resilient development”. These are not vague aspirations; they are tied to clear frameworks and measurable outputs such as climate-smart schools, disaggregated youth data, and capacity-building milestones.
Pakistan, meanwhile, does have a Prime Minister’s National Youth Council, a potentially useful platform for institutional youth engagement. Established to advise the prime minister on youth issues, the council represents one of the few formal state-recognised youth bodies. However, it lacks a climate-specific mandate, and its visible activities have been mainly limited to ceremonial events, conferences, and social media visibility – a form of youth-washing that substitutes visibility for influence. Beyond photo-ops and supposedly ‘high-level meetings’, there is little evidence that this council meaningfully shapes climate policy or is integrated into national adaptation planning.
Compare this with Nepal’s integration of youth into sub-national governance structures or Kenya’s inclusion of youth-led proposals and financing strategies in its national NDC, and the gap becomes clear.
Where other countries embed youth as decision-makers and delivery partners, Pakistan still treats youth as a branding asset, not a policy stakeholder.
Kenya’s Second NDC (2031–2035) also stands out for its action-oriented commitments. Youth are not only included in the consultation process but are central to the implementation plan itself. In its Priority Action Matrix, Kenya lists three specific, high-impact commitments: P32: “Provide climate education to children and youth”; P33: “Build capacity of youth to develop and implement bankable climate change proposals”; and P34: “Support youth-led entrepreneurship, innovation, and community-based adaptation and mitigation projects.”
These are more than token gestures. They represent an integrated strategy to build youth agency, link them to climate finance, and fund their solutions.
This signals not just policy intent but structural investment. Kenya is preparing an entire generation to engage with climate challenges as informed problem-solvers.
By comparison, Pakistan’s NDC lacks any parallel commitment to climate education in schools or vocational training. While it mentions raising awareness among youth, it does not tie that to curriculum reform, infrastructure planning, measurable goals or, for that matter, involving young people in the governance framework by making them a stakeholder.
In a country where the majority of the population is under 30, this omission speaks volumes.
If Pakistan follows through on its promise to develop a National Youth Strategy for Climate Action, it won’t just catch up; it could lead. By institutionalising youth as partners in climate governance, Pakistan has the chance to inspire other nations across the Global South, setting a global precedent in intergenerational climate justice.
The writer is an advocate for youth empowerment, climate action, and strengthening local governance.
