Women in parliament

We remember sitting with a young woman councilor in Sindh, who hesitated to speak in council meetings despite knowing her constituency’s issues inside out. “There’s an invisible line I can’t cross”, she admitted.

That invisible line, drawn by institutional patriarchy and normalised political exclusion, continues to mark the boundaries of women’s political participation in Pakistan.

Across the Global South, and especially in Pakistan, women remain chronically underrepresented in politics, not only in legislatures but also in the inner circles where political decisions are made. This underrepresentation stands in contrast to Pakistan’s international commitments, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR, 1966), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW, 1979), the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (1995), the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC, 2003), the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD, 2006), and Sustainable Development Goal 5 (2015), all of which call for full and effective participation of women in political and public life. While reserved seats have put women in parliamentary chambers, they have done little to open the gates of power within political parties.

Political parties are the cornerstone of democratic functioning. They nominate candidates, draft national agendas, and set the tone for governance. Yet, despite being Pakistan’s largest voting bloc, women rarely occupy influential positions in these entities. Often, they are seen but not heard, present but not empowered.

This is about gender equity but also about democratic legitimacy. A representative democracy that does not mirror its population's diversity is not truly representative. Women bring vital perspectives to policy; their lived experiences inform more equitable approaches to healthcare, education, labour rights and public service delivery.

Recent data from the Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN) offers compelling evidence of the value women bring to parliament. In 2024–25, women made up only 17 per cent of Pakistan’s parliament (69 out of 399 members), yet contributed nearly 49 per cent of the parliamentary agenda, the highest share recorded since 2015. In the National Assembly, women initiated 55 per cent of legislative items, and in the Senate, 31 per cent.

Their commitment outpaces that of their male peers. Female MNAs averaged 17 agenda submissions each, more than five times the male average. They also showed higher engagement, attending 75 per cent of sittings compared to 63 per cent for male MNAs. These are not just numbers; they reflect dedication, capacity and leadership.

And yet, these contributions often face institutional bottlenecks. The National Assembly addressed only 67 per cent of women-sponsored agenda items in 2024–25, a decline from 81 per cent in 2021–22. In the Senate, only 77 per cent of their agenda items were addressed, down from 94 per cent two years prior. While part of this reflects broader parliamentary inefficiencies, it also signals the limited priority assigned to women’s legislative efforts.

According to a recent study by the Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI), only five out of 19 parliamentary parties complied with the 5.0 per cent women’s general seat nomination requirement under the Elections Act 2017. Notably, while the Political Parties Order (PPO) 2002 and its 2013 amendment envisioned 33 per cent representation for women in all elected and non-elected party bodies, this provision was sidelined in parliamentary debate and has never been implemented.

The same SDPI study recommends urgent legislative reform. Specifically, Sections 207 and 208 of the Elections Act 2017 should be amended to require political parties to ensure at least 33 per cent representation of women as office bearers in both elected and non-elected roles, proportionate to the female population. Likewise, Section 202, which mandates a minimum of 2,000 members for party enlistment, should include a condition for 33 per cent female membership. These reforms would make gender inclusivity foundational, not optional.

As Dr Shahida Rehmani, secretary of the Women’s Parliamentary Caucus, rightly said at a recent national forum, “Despite the 5.0 per cent quota requirement under the Elections Act 2017, compliance remains weak. These figures reflect not just underrepresentation but active gatekeeping within party structures.”

The cost of this gatekeeping is democracy itself. Pakistan has 59 million registered female voters, yet only 42 per cent cast their ballots in the last general election a 5.0 per cent decline from 2018. This isn’t voter apathy; it’s political alienation. When women don’t see themselves represented in parties, they tune out of the political process altogether.

When it comes to inclusivity, MNA Tahira Aurangzeb stated at a recent national forum, “Women should comprise 50 per cent of all political parties. Their inclusion is not just about gender balance but about harnessing their capacity to utilise development funds effectively and to lead with empathy and vision. Punjab’s experience under female leadership underscores how women’s full participation can drive more inclusive and equitable progress.”

This needs to change, and change must begin within political parties. Filling reserved seats or celebrating isolated success stories is not enough. We need a shift from symbolism to substance, from presence to power.

To achieve this, a dedicated legislative bill must be introduced in Parliament, one that mandates minimum thresholds for women’s representation within party structures and ties public funding or registration to compliance. Without such legal enforcement, gender inclusion will remain a hollow promise, vulnerable to rollback with every election cycle.

Democracy is not a spectator sport. Women in Pakistan have proven, time and again, that when given space they don’t just participate but lead, legislate, transform. But leadership cannot grow in the shadows of tokenism. It must be rooted in rights, representation and real power. The exclusion of women from political decision-making is not only a loss to gender justice, but also a loss to national progress.

Until women are not just included but empowered within political parties, Pakistan’s democracy will remain a half-built house standing, but never whole.

The writers are associated with the Sustainable Development Policy Institute. The article doesn’t necessarily represent the views of the organization.