The federation shakes

Despite the rhetoric that top decision-makers tend to employ in Pakistan, the reality refuses to hide behind any pep talks. The biting, disturbing and harsh realities are evident in the protests and sit-ins across Balochistan and in the rallies and processions against the proposed canals throughout the length and breadth of Sindh.

In Balochistan, women protesters have been highlighting the issue of missing persons for years now. The BNP-Mengal carried out a march that turned into a sit-in lasting for nearly three weeks. That protest ended outside Quetta on April 16 highlighting the core issues that affect the largest province in terms of area and the richest in terms of minerals in Pakistan. The alienation the people of Balochistan have been feeling from the federal authorities appears to be rising by the day as some basic issues stare in the face.

The population of Balochistan – nearly 15 million people – is less than that of Karachi but spans over a large expanse of area that is nearly 45 per cent of the total land of the country. Solving some basic problems of just 15 million people out of the nearly 250 million population of Pakistan should not be so daunting. Former chief ministers of Balochistan such as Akhtar Mengal and Dr Abdul Malik have been carrying forward the legacies of their seniors like Ataullah Mengal and Mir Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo who served as chief minister and governor of the province for a brief period in the early 1970s.

Perhaps that was the best time to resolve old issues in Balochistan by allowing the first elected government in the province to function smoothly. The National Awami Party (NAP) was the largest leftist party in the country that had the potential to steer the province out of the quagmire it had been in since the inception of Pakistan. The Z A Bhutto government at the centre did not like the NAP-led government in Balochistan to last for more than 10 months and in February 1973 just before the passage of a new constitution in the country, the Balochistan government had to leave office as the central government dismissed it.

In 1975, the Hyderabad Conspiracy case put all major leadership of the NAP behind bars as the party became defunct at the order of the federal government, which the Supreme Court of Pakistan validated. When Gen Zia removed Bhutto in 1977, the NAP leadership came out of the prison but from 1977 to 1991 two generals ruled the roost in the province for nearly 13 years: Gen Rahimuddin Khan from 1978 to 1984 and Gen Moosa Khan from 1985 to 1991. From 1985 to 1999, Balochistan saw as many as 12 chief ministers including four caretakers.

In the 21st century, Jam Mohammad Yousuf of the PML-Q and Nawab Aslam Raisani of the PPP were the longest serving chief ministers who completed their five-year tenures from 2002 to 2007 and from 2008 to 2013 respectively. In the meantime, governors Zulfikar Magsi of the PPP and Muhammad Khan Achakzai of the PkMAP also held their offices for five years each from 2008 to 2018. But it seems that from generals to politicians – irrespective of the length of their tenure or the party they belonged to – nobody could actually do much to alleviate poverty, provide universal education, improve health services, and offer gas and water to the people.

Without solving people’s problems, just focusing on extracting minerals and precious metals will not integrate Balochistan into the federation. Please focus on reality and not on rhetoric. The state authorities did not allow Akhtar Mengal and his supporters to march to Quetta and he decided to wrap things up, but that will not solve any problems, as the essential issues remain the same, or get even worse. The treatment meted out to BYC’s Mahrang Baloch and other activists did not bring any laurels to the authorities. The protest campaigns – as long as they remain within the confines of peaceful activities –should not be seen as a threat to national integrity, if there is any.

Obstructing peaceful protests is tantamount to violating democratic rights of citizens. If you block one peaceful protest, it is likely to spread to other cities and towns. The right course is listening to the demands of the people of Balochistan rather than issuing threats and using scriptures. Political and human rights activists deserve more respect and a sympathetic ear. Federations thrive on the solidarity of federating units that true representatives of the people lead. Enacting favourable laws and enforcing them to provide basic facilities to the citizens is the only way forward.

If a federation does not take into account the genuine concerns of its federating units, it frays. Using strong language worsens matters – whether it comes from the civil and military bureaucracy or from political leaders whose credibility is already under question. Everyone must maintain a certain level of mutual respect for all. From Abdul Malik and Akhtar Mengal to Mahrang Baloch and Sammi Deen, these individuals are just leading their people to demand information about missing persons and Balochistan’s rightful contribution from the federation that should actually reach the common people.

Political activities and terrorism are two different things and neither the civil and military bureaucracy nor politicians should conflate the two. Terrorism is illegal and unlawful and no state can tolerate it; crushing it is the only option. But crushing political activities and installing political leaders who do not command the support of the people – be it at the centre or in the provinces – is not an ideal solution. Separatist terrorism is even worse and maintaining the integrity of a country is a prime objective of any state.

But ‘national interest’ must not override the public interest which is much more significant for the survival a federation; neglecting it is always counterproductive. Terrorism has been haunting Pakistan for decades now and it has been more destructive in Balochistan. While the state strikes back with full force to crush terrorism, it must rely on the support of the common people without whom no federation can survive. When a state alienates its citizens, it pays a heavy price for not understanding the democratic aspirations of its people. Just relying on lawfare and warfare will not help as many civil society members, columnists and intellectuals have been highlighting for decades.

An alternative to lawfare and warfare is dialogue for inclusive democracy and development. The state in Pakistan has tried nearly all means to keep installing leaders of its choice to administrative positions both at the federal and provincial levels. This approach has always backfired with even more alienation from the state prevalent in the country. An approach that is depoliticised and militarised has never solved any problems and even some rudimentary knowledge of history would testify to it. States achieve their meaningful objectives not by military means, but by democratic and political means.

Those who take up arms must face the wrath of the state but those who do not wield any guns and do not employ violence must get a safe passage to contest fair and free elections that are so uncommon in Pakistan both at the federal and provincial levels. Peaceful constitutional means to demand rights and a positive response from the political leadership rather than state functionaries is perhaps the only right path. The state should confine itself to neutralising those who take up arms, whereas democratically elected leaders should engage with those who demand rights and seek release of the missing persons.

Activists and Baloch leaders, even if they are unarmed, must also refrain from chanting anti-state slogans. The state in Pakistan has committed many mistakes, rather blunders, but that does not mean that someone can demand the dissolution of the state of Pakistan itself. While the state should acknowledge its own missteps, activists and leaders must also not try to weaken the state. We have not had wise and visionary leadership for ages; otherwise, the issue of enforced disappearances would have been solved long ago. Violations of fundamental and human rights must stop immediately.

The writer holds a PhD from the University of Birmingham, UK. He tweets/posts @NaazirMahmood and can be reached at: mnazir1964@yahoo.co.uk