Mufti-khaki unity leads to harmony on crucial issues

ISLAMABAD: Constant meaningful consultations between top civilian and military leaderships on Yemen crisis, resulting in complete accord at every stage, have enabled Pakistan to speak with one voice over the conflict especially the relationship with Saudi Arabia.
For Islamabad, not only sustaining all-weather superb ties with Riyadh but strengthening them with every passing day, which faced a severe test in the aftermath of the Yemen crisis, was more important and relevant than this confrontation. Since word go, Pakistan handled it well and the key has been the consensus. No mufti-khaki friction has crept in.
Pakistan’s initial stand on Yemen imbroglio caused deep angst, frustration and anger in some Arab capitals particularly those which are part of the Saudi-led coalition against Yemeni rebels. But Islamabad has taken care of this resentment and disappointment prudently only after more in-depth discussions between the civilian and military leaderships. Even the April 10 parliamentary resolution on the Yemen crisis was misunderstood and misinterpreted by the coalition. However, Arab mistrust has started fading away because of Pakistan’s sensible, well thought out policy.
The positive civil-military harmony has also given a lie to the widespread whispering campaign, which was presented as a credible fact by its sponsors, the anti-government elements, that without consultations at any forum or with any stakeholder, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif committed troops and other material military assistance to Saudi Arabia because of being personally beholden to the ruling monarchial family as he was saved by it from the dictatorial rule of Pervez Musharraf. Developments particularly the consensus policy of Pakistan has proven beyond any doubt that he had not made any alleged pledge.
As the Saudi-led coalition started aerially bombing of the Yemeni rebels, two high level delegations visited Saudi Arabia. Before they embarked upon the trips, hectic consultations were held between the civilian and military leaderships. Thus, Pakistan came out with a unanimous stand. Both the teams included senior government leaders as well as top military officers.
One major reason behind inclusion of the army officials in the delegations was that Saudi Arabia needed military assistance including troops, naval ships and jet fighters. Another reason was that the armed forces should get the direct first hand information about the Saudi point of view instead of briefings from the civilian leaders. This dissipated chances of any kind of distrust and suspicion between the civilian and military sides.
The complete mufti-khaki concord is not unique during the tenure of the present democratic dispensation. The government had taken the right decision by promptly taking the National Assembly into confidence when Defence Minister Khawaja Asif had made a policy statement, the first one on the Yemen crisis. He spoke about Pakistan’s response only after the senior most civil and military leaders had arrived at a consensus a few hours before his address. In despotic rules, decisions like the one in the post-9/11 episode were made in a hush-hush manner by a cabal without proper brainstorming, thinking and across-the-board deliberations, without realising the dangerous consequences for Pakistan. Just one telephone call was enough to formulate official policy.
The regular deliberations between the civilian and military leaderships enabled the major stakeholders to mull over all pros and cons of the policy vis-à-vis Saudi Arabia in the wake of Yemen crisis.
The present civil-military accord follows similar agreements on launching operations against target killers, extortionists, kidnappers for ransom and mafias in Karachi as well as the military campaign, Zarb-e-Azb, against terrorists in the tribal areas; initiation of talks with the outlawed Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and snapping the dialogue process; lifting of the six-year old moratorium on executions of death row prisoners etc.
A number of elements are struggling since long to create rifts between the civil and military leaderships with a view to rock the democratic system and are in deep commotion, seeing remarkable accord. Some of them have been even taunting the prime minister for abdicating powers to the army through the provincial apex committees constituted to ensure and oversee the implementation of the counterterrorism National Action Plan.
However, this conspiracy-ridden harangue did not change his mind to alter his trajectory and these forums composed of civil and military officials are doing their job, matching the challenge.
The prime minister was also subjected to an intense tirade at the time of the preparation of the amendments in the Constitution and the Pakistan Army Act to allow trial of civilian terrorists by military courts. He was accused of having surrendered to the Army, which wanted the military courts in any case after the heartless Peshawar Army Public School bombing.
A major difference in the style of the prime minister’s governance during his third stint is that he regularly consults with the top military leadership on all burning internal and external issues and takes decisions only after consensus. This is not being swallowed by his political rivals.
If the civilian government and the Army start clashing on vital matters, unnecessary confrontation will show its tentacles which, in the final analysis, will hurt Pakistan like the past. The homeland has suffered massive bouts of instability due to this collision and can’t afford more such tussle.