It is sad that the newly elected chairman of the Senate should become an analogy for the symbolism of those imposed on the political system – many who aren’t noted and prominent yet find an entry into what has been a patently tribal or familial hold of the few in whose names most political parties exist.
But this isn’t their refrain. Their refrain is the manner of imposition, heretofore believed to be the handmaiden of the establishment, little realising that each of them, even those at the helm, was a Sanjrani once. But forget that. We seek ideal solutions in an environment far from ideal where the output can hardly ever be different from the input.
Our problem is not in the product. Our problem is with the process we have been in for the last seventy years. Of these, three decades of military rule have engendered its own imperatives. In any polity this should never be the case, but that is how it has been, and we can do little about the times gone. It is better to move on from here and strive to ensure that such extraneous intervention will only minimise, to move towards a political product closest to an unadulterated political being.
But the military rules aren’t are the only burden. When the opportunity was there for the patent politicians to exercise their will they failed to deliver, or compounded the failure by establishing a more self-serving brand of politics – defined as tribal, familial, dynastic, elitist and rapacious. This defies the basic concept of politics, especially of the type where a political system, sometime called democracy, is of the people, by the people, and most importantly for the people. It is this last bit that remains tragically missing from the democratic culture that has become Pakistan’s burden of politics.
Politics by nature is exploitative but as theorists have said its pre-eminence among competing systems is based on the three fundamentals above propounded as the by-now clichéd essence of democracy. Only when the participants of a system can feel a return of good and favour will they remain invested in its survival. This much is basic. We use one: by the people; proclaim one in name mostly: of the people; and fail miserably in the third: for the people. That is why democracy in Pakistan remains most fragile and hence vulnerable. Those heading the project know where they are short-circuiting the system and become pliable to their fears. This is when they also become easy to manipulate.
There are notable and honourable exceptions too, long admired for their own brand despite what went around them for politics. But they are few and far between and sadly never ascended the mantle from where they could bring lasting changes to this self-serving brand. The usual response to such infamy is to let democracy sustain to the level which can begin to count for substance than facade. Till then the facade is here to stay. They will quote examples of nations from farther lands which have graduated to internalise democratic credentials without ever mentioning how those societies changed to begin to play their effective roles in shaping democratic cultures. Societies define the politics they desire. Left to political practitioners, they will inherently tweak it in their favour. A society kept deliberately behind will never know what is their right in a political system based around mutual benefit. All benefit then ends up being patronised or personalised.
This is the story of Pakistan’s politics. What you get then is what you get. The only saving grace of seeing the younger Sanjrani or a Bizenjo is the fact that these are newer faces who will soon become old faces. Today inducted by the forces of imposition – whether establishment or the political establishment – they will tomorrow become the replicas of those sardars and maliks who rule the roost today. Only the faces change, and yet the fears and the noise it rouses is reflective of how sacred a turf it remains for the traditional and the familial elites. It was amazing to see Balochistan’s Mir Hasil Bizenjo, one of the aspirants on the Senate leadership ticket, make a scene of it on a premise which had given us people of his kind. Talk of hypocrisy perfected to an art-form.
It is quite possible that the establishment may have encouraged some legislators of the Balochistan Assembly to raise their voice against inept leadership and governance and the absence of a focus of the federal government to the needs of Balochistan. After all, in their absence all the administrators and the security forces can do is fight some rearguard action to stem yet another tide of terrorism. The supporting arm of keeping terrorists at bay is the accompanying manoeuvre by civilian masters of providing the targeted segments of society with state protection multifaceted social and economic initiatives. But that only happens if you share the allocated monies, or if you happen to be around to pay attention to the needs of different segments. Post 18th Amendment, with the provincial shares increasing multifold, this aspect becomes absolutely critical. Balochistan has been unfortunate to have the kind of leaders who are generally known to be corrupt and miserable laggards at governance.
But what lessons have the major parties learnt from the recent political experience? Only time will tell, but here is a little wish list: Paraphrasing Harold Laski, a democratic system of governance will only sustain if its constituents see a favourable return in it for them; lest we forget the voter is the foundational edifice of this structure. Or else when the structure collapses around them, none among the ordinary voters cares much for its demise. This should be the lesson Nawaz and Maryam Nawaz need to learn rather than shout for the sanctity of the vote. Also, unless they deliver back to the people what is their due, and not seek only personal or private favour off the state largesse, the law and institutions meant to checkmate such propensity will do so in earnest. The days of compromise in favour of power are long over. Only those who keep the people at the centre of their concerns will survive. Law – and sticking to it – is thus the primary edifice of a survivable political dispensation. There cannot be an absolution on it regardless of the weight of the mandate.
Many tend to classify the recent political developments as regressive; to me these are the essential learning curve, which must bring home to the politicians that business as usual will not sustain. The nation has been at the cross-roads for rather too long without a decisive direction emerging from within the political culture to realign itself with the needs of effective governance. In its absence other institutions will begin to assert themselves; such is the desperation inherent in Pakistan’s multifaceted predicaments. The upcoming elections are yet another opportunity to locate national direction – but the promise will come to fruition only if real change accompanies newer attitudes in the power structure.
Email: shhzdchdhry@yahoo.com
