Accusations and ambiguity

In the lead-up to US Defence Secretary James Mattis’ visit to Pakistan next week, ties between the two countries are going through one of their periodic lulls. Gen John Nicholson, the commander of US forces in Afghanistan, has repeated the allegation that Pakistan has ties with the Haqqani Network and is allowing the Afghan Taliban to maintain safe havens in the country. This drew a sharp rebuke from Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi, who said in an interview with Bloomberg that Pakistan would be willing to take action against the Haqqani Network if the US were to share intelligence with us. He also pointed out that the many attacks in Pakistan are mostly carried out by militants crossing over from Afghanistan. This latest downturn in relations comes after US anger at the court-ordered release of Jamaat-ud-Dawa chief Hafiz Saeed from house arrest. On the charges of supporting militancy, Pakistan has a good case to make for its actions. We have sacrificed countless lives in trying to defeat the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan and its allies. For almost two decades, Pakistan has battled terrorism and militancy bravely and with extraordinary resilience from the people. One very strong reason militant groups still operate is because they have been allowed to do so by the Afghan government. Any measures Pakistan takes to beef up security on the border are opposed by the Afghans. That the US has now cut our aid to less than $350 million a year, with a particularly big chunk coming out of the Coalition Support Fund, will make it even more difficult for Pakistan to guard the border.
On Hafiz Saeed, we may not have that strong a case to make. During his interview, PM Abbasi defended Saeed’s release by arguing that the decision was made by a court in accordance with the rule of law. While that may be true, it is also the case that the state has not perceived to have done much against Saeed, despite evidence of the latter’s involvement in militancy. There is also the matter of how Pakistan’s domestic policies affect its image and ties with the global community. We saw the scenes this past weekend that unfolded in Islamabad with the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Ya Rasul Allah forcing the government to its knees and obtaining signatures on an agreement that effectively makes nonsense of the writ of the state. People around the world heard the language used by leaders of the TLYR – which has cropped up out of the blue – as they abused the government, the judiciary and the police. This does not help Pakistan prove its case that it is fighting extremism with all its might.
The open support expressed by former president Gen Pervez Musharraf for Hafiz Saeed’s Lashkar-e-Taiba, an organisation banned within and outside the country, does not help Pakistan’s image either. The way the different state organs have been seen at odds with each other over the Faizabad dharna is also not comforting to note. These contradictory voices and messages emerging from the country will allow our enemies to take advantage of a perceived lack of cohesion. To reconcile these contradictions, it is essential that Pakistan find a strategy that all are agreed upon. There must be no ambiguity in the message going out to the world, because while this ambiguity exists accusations will continue to be made and Pakistan will struggle to defend itself against them with any genuine sense of integrity or demonstration of will.