Karachi’s disillusionment with politics

Violence and militancy have depoliticised Karachi, from Lyari to Liaquatabad, from Malir to Nazimabad, or from Organi to Korangi, once used to be the hub of politics. Its impact is now coming on the turnout in elections or in rallies and there is a clear sign of disillusion with politics. This may pose a serious challenge to old and new parties to restore people's confidence.

It is important to look into the causes of disillusionment in one of the most politically charged city of 20 million. 

One of the reasons for this disillusionment could be people's disappointment with a party, in which they reposed confidence for 30 years, i.e. Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM). Many of their supporters and voters have not been able to come out from this situation after what they have been hearing in the media and from their own leaders.

It’s time for them to wake up. When people don't come out and vote for others, it also shows their dissent. If they did not mend their ways, voters may go for a better option.

It has also shaken the confidence of their leaders, particularly those who joined the MQM, with a sign of hope. Perhaps, that could also be one of the reasons why they may not immediately trust what people like Mustafa Kamal are saying.

Disillusionment of people with politics proves to be dangerous often, as it gives space to extremist forces and perhaps a ban on the MQM may not provide solution to the problem and the only way out is to de-link militancy from politics, but in all parties and groups.

In the last 70 years, politics in Karachi has seen different shades, from left wing student movement to the rise of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. They played leading role in the movement against Ayub Khan and then got the first disappointment with Bhutto.

Later, they turned to religious parties like Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) and Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan (JUP) and reposed their confidence in them and joined the opposition movement to oust Bhutto, which resulted in a martial law.

When these parties joined the Muslim League government under General Zia, the Karachiites felt the city might be treated well. Later, the military government and religious parties too disappointed them.

The ethnic feeling particularly after the language riots and quota system, already on the rise, they turned to ethnic politics and when Muhajir Qaumi Movement, (MQM) was formed, its massive support clearly reflected the strong feeling within urban population, which perhaps mainstream parties had ignored.

No political party in Pakistan enjoyed such a massive support as the MQM. Lower middle class Muhajirs or Urdu-speaking practically showed blind faith in the leadership and in the initial years, even ignored militancy and violent trends.

Bhutto could have won 1977 elections and got simple majority without rigging, but he lost his government for one mistake and paid a heavy price. There was no need for the MQM to indulge in alleged violent and militant tactics to get maximum results or more votes in the elections. They would have won all these seats even without employing negative tactics.

The MQM at least got three life-lines: 1992 operation, 1995 operation and after 1998, Governor's Rule in Sindh. Each time people voted for the MQM and rejected the operations and the role of establishment, but that did not mean they were not concerned about MQM's internal politics and complaints of corruption, militancy, extortion, and target-killings. They raised these issues at General Workers Meeting, but in low tones.

Soon, they started feeling change in the lifestyle of their leaders and started believing that its not merely perception but there is an element of truth also. Yet, they never wanted that Muhajir votes be divided. So, they rejected MQM (Haqiqi), did not trust Azeem Ahmad Tariq, but were shocked over his assassination as he was a popular leader.

There were all kinds of stories about MQM leaders’ alleged links with India secret agency RAW, but people rejected it for two reasons. One, it came from establishment in 1992 operation and two, in 1995 during police operation in which hundreds of MQM alleged militants and workers were killed through extra-judicial methods.

When the MQM joined Zardari's government in 2008, and that too after what happened under his Home Minister Dr Zulfiqar Mirza, people started losing confidence in MQM.

Altaf Hussain and MQM-London in particular did not realise their supporters’ disappointment with them. This led to the silent revolution in 2013 elections when even families of MQM leaders and workers voted for Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf. MQM even lost at one polling station in Azizabad, its strongest constituency.

It was for the first time when MQM voters showed their resentment through ballot, and what MQM-London and Pakistan did not realise that in some cases votes were cast with their consent too.  Instead of learning lessons from this, the MQM leader's reaction against his party led to another revolt. This time from Mustafa Kamal and Anis Qaimkhani.

But, Karachiites’ disappointment with the PTI came soon when its leadership ignored Karachi's issues and only attacked MQM and Altaf Hussain without offering any alternative programme. 

Thus, within no time they came back to the MQM, which was evident in the by-elections of NA-246. But, even though they voted for the MQM and dumped the PTI, they wanted the party to shun militancy, extortion etc, as it had damaged the Muhajir politics.

Today, these voters are facing serious dilemma as to where to go. While the national parties have not come out with any alternative programme and no one is ready to take the ownership of Karachi, they adopted for the option of 'stay home’ and wait for a better option.

They certainly are concerned at the possible divided mandate, which may also divide the city, but it appeared that people's disillusionment may not end soon, at least till the next general elections.

The city needs a complete social, cultural and political revival of its past, for which parties have to de-link themselves from politics of crime and corruption, which looks like a hurricane task. But, it is still possible. Muhajirs or Urdu-speaking people may be the biggest stakeholders but they are not the only one as it is a mini-Pakistan, though it has never been treated as such.

Karachi has lost its national character because of the failure of national politics for which parties like the PPP and PML have to accept their failure. The PTI, in its colour, is a national party, but it has lot more to do particularly in Karachi. 

The city needs revival of social and political culture, which once it was known for. There is a complete disconnect of Islamabad with Karachi.

Some 30,000 people had died in this city since 1978, in political, ethnic and sectarian violence. The city, which did not manufacture either arms or drugs, became the biggest market in three decades and in the post-9/11, became the safe haven for global terror networks. According to some senior police officials, over two million weapons, legal and illegal, are still dumped in city.

In the last 20 to 25 years, one noticed that criminals, land mafia and underworld had entered into an unholy alliance with political parties and one saw the rise of non-state actors mostly emerged from Karachi.

In my 36 years career in journalism, I am witness to political rallies, attended by three to five lakh people. I saw huge processions of Asghar Khan and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto during 1977 election campaign and return of Benazir Bhutto on Oct 18, 2007. I still remember the last public meeting of Begum Nusrat Bhutto at jam-packed Nishtar Park a week before General Zia postponed October 77 elections. 

Disillusionment with politics in a mega city like Karachi is dangerous and can provide space to the forces of darkness. Can leaders like Nawaz Sharif, Imran Khan, Bilawal Bhutto, Farooq Sattar, Sirajul Haq apply their mind to bring the people of this mega city, back into mainstream politics. For all this, they have to take the ownership of Pakistan's economic hub.

 

The writer is a senior columnist and analyst of Geo, The News and Jang