A sense of mistrust

The writer is a freelance columnist
and former newspaper editor.
There is something too perfect about it, too scripted, too idyllic. Yes, the sight of Baloch nationalists putting down their guns and joining the mainstream of national life is something we would all like to see. But it is hard to believe that the small drama we saw on August 14 in Quetta, when some 400 men said to be militants placed their guns aside and instead took up flowers and national flags from children clad in traditional clothing, as military officials and administrators looked on, was not staged. The timing and the orchestration seemed too perfect.
The problem is that in real life the music does not always ring out at just the right moment. Troubles do not disappear instantaneously. It takes time and effort for that to happen. The effort is indeed being made, and there are some encouraging results.
The distinct change in tone from Brahamdagh Bugti, living in exile in Switzerland, who has indicated he may be willing to enter into talks and give up a demand for an independent Balochistan is among them. So are the talks with the Khan of Kalat Suleiman Dawood Ahmedzai. But it is worth keeping in mind the reality: Brahamdagh’s promises remain vague and the leader of the Balochistan Republican Party has protected himself by saying that any decision would need to be backed by the will of the Baloch people.
The Khan of Kalat, whose state ceded to Pakistan in 1948, on a request made by Mohammad Ali Jinnah, is today an ageing man. It is unclear what talks have been held with his son. But even if the Khan returns, there are doubts over how much clout he carries and what he can achieve in real terms. Small theatrical productions will not be enough.
It is a fact that stepped up military operations in Balochistan have pressurised the militants. In Dera Bugti, Bugti tribesmen have lost key jobs, notably in the gas pipeline sector. The discontent that arises from this is not something Brahamdagh Bugti would wish to burden himself with. The role of tribal chieftan and rebel leader do not always mix well – but are a characteristic feature of the long insurgency in Balochistan.
For the authorities, curbing unrest in Balochistan has of course become all the more crucial with the issue of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. A large tract of this road, rail and pipeline project – which promises much to Pakistan developmentally and strategically – crosses the vast, rugged terrain of Balochistan.
Violence in the province is a key Chinese concern, and Pakistani authorities, quite naturally enough, will be desperate to ensure an end to militancy both for the sake of this project and the gas pipeline from Iran which could meet so many of Pakistan’s energy needs. For the sake of the nation, achieving peace in Balochistan is imperative. The military’s concern over this is unsurprising.
But we need to look at the wider frame. Beyond these small episodes, including the surrender of arms in Quetta, the statements from capitals in other countries and pledges by military commanders of quashing the uprising, the fact is that the key component in the whole picture has been left out.
We are not considering the feelings and sentiments of the people of Balochistan. It is they who are the most important of all. It is important that they be brought on board if any kind of settlement is to succeed. Right now, feelings of mistrust and a perception of injustice runs deep amongst these people. They believe they have been mistreated by the state of Pakistan. To what extent these views are correct is a different argument. The point to be made is that people believe in them and they need to be persuaded otherwise if there is to be any hope of a lasting peace in a province that has remained troubled since the inception of Pakistan.
Opportunities offered up by key Baloch figures for peace in the past, notably during the 1970s and again in the mid-2000s, have been squandered. There is also an apparent conviction among paramilitary forces operating in the province that they will be able to ‘win’ against insurgents there. This may be perfectly true for the near future. It is indeed likely the rebels will be defeated, imprisoned or forced to lay down arms. But in the longer run, the anger and hatred that runs through the veins of Balochistan will continue to grow more fiery and this cannot augur well for the long-term future of a territory crucial to Pakistan.
While claims continue to be made that militants everywhere are simply handing over their weapons, the fact also is that attacks by insurgents continue. One came this past Sunday morning at the Jiwani Airport on the Balochistan-Iran border, where about six motorcyclists staged an attack in which one person working at the airport was killed and another reportedly kidnapped. These incidents are symptoms of the problems Balochistan still faces. To resolve them, it is necessary to go to the people and not just to individual nationalist leaders who may have their own agendas to follow, their own reasons to reach deals and their own interests to protect.
The question arises as to what the provincial government in Balochistan is doing. Chief Minister Dr Abdul Malik Baloch has a reputation as a well-meaning and honest man. So too does Hasil Bizenjo, the head of the National Party to which Dr Baloch belongs. Bizenjo of course follows a tradition of ideological politics inherited from his father, Ghaus Baksh Bizenjo. He may, like Dr Baloch, believe the right things, say the right words and genuinely wish to alter the fate of his home province.
But the Baloch civilian leadership really has very limited powers. It has so far tried to play along with the centre and the military establishment, although it is known that within the NP, differences exist on this point. For now, the orders come from other places. People in Balochistan know this and, as has happened so many times before in our history, an elected leadership is in danger of losing respect. It has already been largely stripped of its capacity to govern and make decisions on its own.
All this complicates the situation in Balochistan. We need to face up to realities in order to vanquish them. It is vital that we draw Balochistan back into our federation and its core. But this cannot happen simply through pretence or playing charades. A genuine effort has to be made to engage the Baloch in meaningful dialogue.
It may be true that foreign actors play some part in the politics of that region. But the real problems boil up from within the heated soil of Balochistan and solutions have to be found here so that there can be some hope of lasting peace in a part of our country that has for too long been in turmoil.
Yes, we all wish that turmoil to end and yes, all institutions must act together for this. But it is crucial that the people of the province not be left out of the equation and be permitted to play a part in determining what can be done to better their future and their conditions of life. They have been denied this for too many decades.
Email: kamilahyat@hotmail.com