Dearth, nay demise, of reason

One of the fundamental pillars on which the state stands is the trichotomy of powers between the legislature, the executive and the judiciary.

While the constitution grants the legislature the power to enact laws and the executive to implement them, it is the judiciary’s prerogative to determine whether a particular law, thus adopted, is in consonance with the letter and spirit of the constitution. Any disequilibrium in this balance would not only be a violation of the book of law; it would also render the edifice of the state wobbly, thus prone to fracture.

Ever since independence, these institutions have seldom delivered on the key benchmarks to propel the country forward. Instead, they have become extractive and each one of them has remained engaged in increasing its importance and relevance at the cost of the rest. The controversy regarding which institution is ‘supreme’ has often raged to sour the environment. Notwithstanding the enormous damage that such a self-centred approach may have caused to the country, there has neither been any realisation of their inherent infirmities, nor an improvement in the working of these institutions. The decline has been consistent, only becoming endemic with time.

The situation becomes untenable when the incumbent government, with an intent to broaden the scope of its autocratic intentions, becomes brazenly partisan on the side of one institution against another, as is being witnessed these days. The way the relevance of the judiciary has been demonised and rendered subservient to the diktat of the executive is unprecedented even in the gravely chequered history of Pakistan politics. Consequently, instead of the state standing on three pillars as envisioned in the constitution, it now has only two with the third reduced to being a divided house and a battleground of sorts. This enactment is not without its share of rank madness which is ravaging the working of the entire system.

Whenever there is a need to formulate a policy to address a specific issue, one begins by listing down various components of the rationale for moving forward. But when the policy has been finalised without bothering to see how grievously it would impact the health of the state, it represents a dreadful malfunction.

The operational mechanism being pursued in confronting challenges faced by the ruling elite reflects a drought of intelligence and common sense. It is overflowing with hubris and an infatuation to continue tightening the grip of a particular band of leaders, comprehensively discarded by the electorate in the last elections, over the fate of the entire country. This makes for a recipe for disaster but, understandably, no one among the ruling echelons seems bothered about it as they relentlessly follow their penchant to push the country to the brink.

To make matters worse, those taking the risk of trying to drive some sense among the policy-making quarters are subjected to jeers and threats with a host of them having to suffer visits to the courts to seek bails. There appears to be a sinister plan to further divide an already divided nation. The question is: who will benefit from the rot that we create – Pakistan or a coterie of the ruling elite who appear deprived of the faculty of thinking rationally and who have been fraudulently imposed on the country in utter violation of the requisite mandate from the people?

It may be that we have travelled beyond the parameters of reason. It may be that the interests of a few are construed as more important than the fate of an entire nation. It may be that we have sunk deep into the quagmire and our actions are pushing us further down. It may be that, through our undemocratic pursuits, we are alienating us further among the comity of the civilised and democratic states. It may be that hollow rhetoric dominates in matters which are in dire need of being tackled pragmatically regarding veritable data. It may be that we suffer from all this and more, but even in the worst of times, there is a way that can extricate us from the mess we have created. But are we willing to pursue that course, or, in doing so, do we fear the demise of the kind of politics we are recklessly engaged in safeguarding?

The country cannot function for the betterment of its people without injecting an element of justice into its operations. This would emanate from allowing the pillars to continue working within their constitutional parameters and withdrawing the aberrations that we have introduced by the dint of unwarranted authority in preference to following the democratic process.

These grievous aberrations will continue to fester, denting the credibility of the state and its operations. This is becoming increasingly visible in our interactions with the rest of the world where benefits that we secured in the past are in danger of being withdrawn. We need to take a step back and ponder the course that we should take hence to align ourselves with the constitutional and democratic principles.

It is a fact that the path the leadership has pursued in the last couple of years has not only failed to deliver results; it continues to weaponise the country. It would not be inappropriate, therefore, to assume that continued pursuit of this course shall bring further damage to the state and its interests. A change of direction has become inevitable which can emanate from a realisation of the harrowing crisis that we confront, followed by a meaningful and purpose-oriented engagement among the stakeholders.

Though I have been a consistent proponent of dialogue to sort out differences, any such interaction can yield results only if both sides are fully empowered to make decisions based on the merit of the exchange of ideas and proposals. The recent interaction between the PTI and the government negotiating committees failed because the latter lacked legitimacy and consequent relevance to make decisions so much so that, despite proclamations to the contrary, they were not even able to arrange an unencumbered meeting of the PTI negotiating committee with Chairman Imran Khan.

That takes us to the real power base in the country. Right or wrong, the fact is that this power base does exist and decisions, too, flow from it. Imran Khan’s letter has outlined the grave challenges the country faces today and the reasons thereof. There is a need to change course and redress the grievances that the PTI and its adherents are confronted with. The letter provides an ideal starting point for a meaningful and purposeful engagement to sort out the turmoil that the country is currently enveloped in.

The voices of reason must not be banished. These must be heard.

The writer is a political and security strategist and the founder of the Regional Peace Institute. He is a former special assistant to former PM Imran Khan and heads the PTI’s policy think-tank. He tweets @RaoofHasan