A voice for the voiceless

When Usman Kakar spoke in the Senate of Pakistan, he was undoubtedly one of the sanest voices that represented the sentiments of the people. Though he was a Pashtun nationalist, he transcended the narrow definition of this term – as he was much beyond a parochial pattern of thinking.

When he died under mysterious circumstances on June 21, 2021, Pakistan lost a true democrat and a political leader who had so much potential to contribute to the future political development of Pakistan. His funeral which attracted hundreds of thousands of mourners was a testimony to the level of warmth they felt towards him. Dying at the relatively young age of less than 60, Usman Kakar did full justice to his short life. His speeches in the Senate will remain a profound source of wisdom for the next generations in the country.

To understand what Usman Kakar stood for, it is helpful to look at the context in which he lived and died. He was an ardent follower of the two greatest Pashtun leaders of the 20th century: Abdul Ghaffar Khan (Bacha Khan) and Abdul Samad Achakzai. These two leaders embodied the essential spirit of freedom and non-violence in this region, even when they waged a relentless struggle against the dominance of the British colonial power. Bacha Khan and Achakzai were at the forefront of the freedom struggle but became a victim of repression in the post-independence period in Pakistan.

So, what were the principles that Usman Kakar carried forward from these great Pashtun leaders? Much before anti-terrorism became a buzzword, Bacha Khan and Samad Achakzai preached non-violence. Though it went against what was projected as Pashtun culture – violent in nature – these leaders persuaded the Pashtuns to abandon their guns and devote their energies in intellectual and political pursuits, a tough task indeed but they did it throughout their lives. Usman Kakar opposed all kinds of terror and violence, and risked his own life by doing so.

Bacha Khan received punishment for his non-violent politics and his vocal advocacy for peaceful means of conflict resolution. Abdul Samad Achakzai himself became a victim of violence when some ‘unknown persons’ assassinated him in 1973. That was the time when in Balochistan the first elected government had received an axe and leaders such as Achakzai were struggling for democratic and national rights. Usman Kakar did exactly the same nearly half a century later when he lost his life at the prime of his political career. Samad Achakzai was in his 60s and Kakar was about to turn 60.

After Samad Achakzai’s assassination in 1973, his 25-year-old son Mahmood Khan Achakzai continued his father’s struggle and Usman Kakar who was still a teenager became his follower. Despite all the propaganda against nationalists, both Achakzai and Kakar believed in the supremacy of the constitution. Usman Kakar stood for constitutional government in the country and opposed any trampling or violations of the constitution. In most of his speeches in the Senate from 2015 to 2021, he repeatedly highlighted the significance of following the constitution in letter and spirit. Those who considered the constitution merely ‘a piece of paper’ did not like Kakar either.

For Usman Kakar, the constitution of Pakistan was the supreme law of the land and deserved due respect and compliance. He spoke unequivocally against anti-constitutional tendencies in some centres of power in the country, as he knew and understood well that any attempt to undermine the constitution ultimately goes against the people of Pakistan no matter whichever ethnic group or nationality they belong to. This commitment to the constitution debunks the propaganda that whoever talks about provincial rights is anti-state; Usman Kakar proved that this is simply not true, and he stood by his words even in his last speech.

Just like Bacha Khan and the Achakzais, Usman Kakar stood for democracy, which to him was – above all – a system in which the rights of the people are secure. Multiple times, he enunciated his ideas about democracy and highlighted that just voting is not enough. The voting had to be fair and free, and independent of any outside interference. His love for democracy brought him to parliament and he was one of the most humble senators to have graced the Upper House. He was not a rich man and depended on the meagre salary he got from the Senate.

Usman Kakar also stood for a functioning federation, in which all federating units must enjoy their constitutional and democratic rights. He was opposed to a dysfunctional federation whereby regional voices face curbs and do not get due attention. In his discourse he was clear about what a good federation should look like. A staunch supporter of the 18th Amendment, Kakar was perturbed whenever a government made efforts to deprive the provinces of their rights given by the amendment. He believed that a federation flourishes when all federating units bloom, and the fruits are not reserved for a select few.

Freedoms as fundamental rights were another principle of Usman Kakar’s politics. He advocated for and defended the freedoms of assembly, expression, and movements. When the government and state institutions did not allow a peaceful gathering of people anywhere in the country, often Usman Kakar was the first one to raise this issue in the Senate. If a journalist faced abduction or torture – be it Ahmed Noorani, Asad Toor, or Matiullah Jan – Kakar did not keep quiet, and gave vent to his anger in an appropriate manner. In case of obstruction of movement of people in the name of security or whatever, Usman considered it a breach of fundamental rights.

When the 35-year-young Arman Luni – who was a human rights activist and teacher – became a victim of official violence in Balochistan, Usman Kakar could not control his anguish and thundered in the Senate at this atrocity. He was the one who talked about Sajid Hussain and Karima Baloch whose dead bodies were found in Sweden and Canada respectively. He felt for the young who ended up paying heavy prices for their rightful demands. When parliamentarians Ali Wazir and Mohsin Dawar braved intimidation and threats, Usman Kakar joined his voice for their safety.

The judiciary’s independent working was another point that Kakar repeatedly referred to. For him, constitutional democracy depended a great deal on how the judiciary functions – without any pressures and interference. It became a recurring theme in his discourse which underscored time and again the significance of having a judicial system that is able to deliver verdicts in support of democracy and not to bolster authoritarianism in the country. He did not like it when a judge became a target of conspiracies or when the FBR or NAB transgressed their authority to enter into controversial cases.

Provincial rights, both in terms of financial and natural resources, were close to his heart. And in doing that he was never a narrow nationalist. Had he been so he would have not spoken out loudly in support of the PML-N and PPP leaders who became a target of NAB and endured hardships mostly in dubious cases. His political support to other fighters for democracy – be they from Balochistan, Gilgit-Baltistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Punjab, or Sindh – was exemplary. He protested when the authorities subjected political leaders to humiliating language or treatment. He denounced the highhanded behaviour of officials against politicians, irrespective of their political affiliation.

In short, Usman Kakar was a voice for the voiceless, and a champion of oppressed activists and human rights defenders. Had he lived longer, he would have contributed so much to the development of a healthy democratic culture of discussions and debates. In him, Pakistan has lost a great defender of constitution and democracy.

The writer holds a PhD from the University of Birmingham, UK and works in Islamabad.

Email: mnazir1964@yahoo.co.uk