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Thursday March 28, 2024

The legacies of partition

By Dr Noman Sattar
August 14, 2022

The nation celebrates its Diamond Independence anniversary at a critical time in its history. With the country once again being in a state of economic meltdown and political uncertainty, it almost seems as the political culture as well as the democratic ethos of Pakistan are directly related to turmoil. More than before, this Independence Day is a time to ponder on Pakistan’s evolution in the last seven decades. Many blame Pakistan’s problems, particularly the political ones, on ‘colonial legacy.’ Although the colonial past of the country underlies the events that occurred before, during and after the Independence Movement, it is not the sole legacy to have such an impact on Pakistan; observers point to other ‘legacies’ that have shaped Pakistan’s politics and society, and continue to do so. Some see these as a bane, others as a blessing.

For newly independent countries, the ‘new nations’ of the 1960s and 1970s - mostly the Third World - the colonial past broadly defines their social and political ethos; starting from their pattern of development and administrative setup (civil services), and branching out to their judicial and political systems. Pakistan is no exception; one could say even the country’s irrigation and railway systems are memoirs of its colonial legacy. Following the early death of the Quaid and the assassination of PM Liaquat Ali Khan, a spiral of political upheavals that gave way to a series of governments that only lasted for a short-term. This state of affairs led to the first military rule of Pakistan, under General Ayub Khan. Pakistan’s political culture was mainly shaped by the colonial legacy, the feudal system, and the political upheavals during the 1950s. The impact of the British legacy showed in the vestiges of colonialism that shaped the organisation of the armed forces, the bureaucracy, the education system, and in the overarching influence of the English language in Pakistan’s early days. Many of the officers of Pakistan’s bureaucratic set up, as well as the chiefs of the armed forces were of ICS (Imperia Civil Service) cadre. In one way or another, these systems retain a strong British imprint even today - and many wish to perpetuate that.

After Independence, British educationists continued as heads of prominent institutions, schools and colleges throughout the country. It may not be obvious today, but the English Medium sign - a sign that signifies the language the British imposed on us - is capable of giving even the most mediocre school a reputation, and its students a certain identity.

Looking at foreign policy, Pakistan became a member of the British Commonwealth, and developed close relations with some of its fellow members. Pakistan’s founding fathers opted for the Westminster model of parliamentary democracy (that faced many hiccups in the 1960s). In the 1960s, under the reign of Ayub Khan, this model was somewhat discredited, but was revived in the 1970s, under the new Constitution. The British linkage led to massive immigration to Britain in the 1960s and 1970s, leading to the election of many British National Pakistanis in the British Parliament.

The feudals played an important role in the politics of the sub-continent that can also be seen as a colonial legacy. The British would offer jagirs (estates/land grants) to the people whom they favoured amongst the landed elite declared as loyal to the Crown. It is said that the colonial state regarded ‘landowners as important intermediaries’ (Talbot, Pakistan. A New History, 52). The Muslim League also, ‘acknowledged the reality of the entrenched power of local ruling elites’ (53). Many of these names would become infamous in Pakistan, as families of these selected elites from different states - later provinces - would play an important role in local politics. True to feudal tradition, the family elder (the nawab or malik) would be succeeded by his son at both ownership of estate, and in role in politics. This tradition of dynastic politics continues even today.

The biggest legacy of Partition is Pakistan’s animosity with India, something that continues unabated even after seven decades. Independence resulted in major problems between the two countries that they were unable to address amicably. Foremost was (and is) the Kashmir dispute - a bitter legacy of the Partition. Many blame the British for ‘sowing the seeds’ of discord, but nothing prevented the two sides from a peaceful agreement; rather the international community, including the UN, attempted to help in bringing about a non-violent resolution to the dispute. Three wars and minor skirmishes have not helped either side. Recent developments, especially the abrogation of Kashmir’s special status under the Modi government, have brought the two sides to a diplomatic impasse. The international community sees the region as a ‘nuclear flashpoint’ that bodes ill for regional stability.

The colonial legacy continues in many forms; it is not just prevalent in the feudal culture and popularity of the English language, but in the liberal ethos and democratic dispensation of the nation. While Pakistani society has changed in many ways, especially in terms of media roles, gender relation and opportunities, colonial legacies are still going to have an impact on the future as it is impossible to fully break away from the past. Yet, surely, the present should not be held hostage to the wrongs of the past, and the future has to be built on ideas based on national consensus and national development.

The writer was a former faculty at the Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad