Muhajir’s political dilemma

Muhajirs are facing serious political dilemma, as the party that they had voted to power time and again is presently in complete disarray, divided into four factions.

August 22, 2016 turned out to be fatal for their politics, and they are finding it difficult to recover from the past loss till today.

No other person but the founder himself pushed the party into this situation. Muhajirs, who have become hostage to their own political narrative, are now in search of a new direction.

The founder and his faction has now unofficially become defunct and outlawed, and the politics of urban Sindh is now passing through the most difficult phase of recovery.

Today's conference called by MQM-Pakistan and expected to be attended by major political parties including pre- and post-Aug 22 MQM factions, has been termed by many ice-breaking, but it is still a long way to go. The positive sign is that at least they are talking to each other, knowing each other well during the days of united MQM.

Those doing politics in the name of Muhajirs are trying to redefine their political direction and narrative as they are now undergoing the process of complete screening, both within and from outside as well. How it all happened and what led to the fall of MQM?

With too many cracks and too much distrust in their rank and file, it has already caused serious dent to Muhajir factor in politics, as the MQM once Pakistan’s most powerful and organised political force from 1978 to 2016, now stand divided into MQM-Pakistan, PSP, MQM-London and MQM (Haqiqi).

Sources said that recently the PML-N government has agreed in principle to hand over Khursheed Memorial Hall and MPA, hostel in Azizabad, to MQM (Pak) as well as Sector and Unit offices, but the opposition came from Sindh government. Some sources said the matter also came up during the last apex committee meeting.

Earlier, from 2013 to 2016, the PML-N government kept its distance and did not take the MQM into coalition due to outside pressure.

Apparently, the party, which could have made the difference and marked on Karachi, by truly making it a city of lights, had missed the bus and may now find it really hard to catch another bus.

As efforts are once again under way to reunite the factions, but minus founder, whose politics they not felt is simply unacceptable and over. Some forces also trying to fit in the role of former president, General (retd) Pervez Musharraf, but the former military ruler has his own problems.

If 1992 was a disaster for the MQM, the 1995 operation was the beginning of the end of its alleged militant politics, the mini operation led by former Home Minister Dr Zulfiqar Mirza  was the turning point and when despite his onslaught, the MQM-London decided to rejoin the party, it resulted in silent revolt.' When party conducted its internal survey whether they should rejoin the PPP government, majority said, 'No.' Yet, decision was taken against the wishes of majority.

Its reflection came during 2013 elections when, to the utter surprise of the MQM leadership, they even lost control as over eight lakh vote cast in favour of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, PTI, including from MQM's stronghold, Azizabad. Even families of MQM leaders and workers voted for the PTI candidates or stayed at home. For the first time, the party 'vote bank,' passed a strong message to leadership for their politics of power.'

Although the MQM retained majority of its seats the MQM, founder speech and outburst on May 19, 2013 General Workers Meeting, clearly set the tone for another split. Through, its hard core activists, the senior leadership were humiliated and insulted. Those who left the meeting and never returned included Syed Mustafa Kamal, Anis Qaimkhani and others, some of whom resurfaced after three years and formed the Pak-Sarzameen Party. Those who did not leave were also not happy, few of them even cried, as they fled all their hard work during elections were not even acknowledged.

But the MQM practically lost its direction after winning 1988 elections. With a complete hold on local bodies and in urban Sindh, they could not set their political direction for the development of urban Sindh. Instead, they became a tool in the hands of the then establishment, who used them first against the PPP and then against the PML-N.

The MQM decision to shift its headquarters to London, and its founder never returned practically, cut London from Pakistan. Musharraf during his nine years in power provided relief, and also used them, but by the time the intra-party differences started coming to the surface.

Many believe that the establishment was behind creating ethnic and sectarian groups particularly in Karachi, in between 1977 and 1985. The purpose was to counter national parties, particularly the PPP and MRD. After Bhutto, his main fear was Benazir Bhutto.

When Muhajir Qaumi Movement (MQM) was launched, it swept the polls, both local bodies and general elections, in urban Sindh, the parties like JI and JUP, realised that Gen Zia had used them.

The MQM unprecedented phenomena had surprised both mainstream parties as well as nationalist parties. What happened in the last 38 years in Karachi, is a bloody history of this mega city, but it would be wrong to blame one factor and ignore those who used them.

Muhajir's political dilemma is also a dilemma of 'middle class’.' In feudal dominated political system they found themselves in a difficult situation. In the process instead of fighting against the system, they became part of the system and lost the direction.

Those who once felt pride in moving in Honda-50, or in buses from their lower middle class areas to Sindh Assembly or KMC, DMCs, now could be seen in big cars. In the process they loss their political or ideological direction, whatever they once had.

It is a political dilemma of all major political parties, which revolved around personality cult, even without family legacy because of their undemocratic behaviour within the parties.

It is time for Muhajirs to learn few lessons from history and from August 22, if they really want to re-emerge as a political force irrespective of whatever name they picked whether it is MQM, PSP or any other name. The other option for them is to choose mainstream parties like the PPP, PTI, PML or the JI, provided they too have any interest in urban politics.

All these mainstream parties were also responsible, particularly the PPP, for its failure in addressing core political issues instead of following the policy of isolating strong Urdu-speaking constituency of urban Sindh.

The establishment has a lot to rethink of the mistakes they had committed in the past while changing their strategy for a better Sindh, including Karachi.

 The writer is a senior columnist and analyst of Geo, The News and Jang

Twitter: @MazharAbbasGEO