Why NAP priorities not set?

Terrorism with political and ideological dimensions is always difficult to handle and required much more efforts than done so far in one of the biggest battle this country has ever fought, both externally and internally. Over 65,000 people, including officers and jawans of army and civil armed forces, have so far lost their lives. What needs to be done which has not done as yet in this war against terrorism and extremism?

The decision to postpone a high-level meeting on NAP till Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's return from the US is a setback as all the provinces were ready for this important gathering. What one can expect from the PM and his team as the implementation on NAP has already been delayed for very long. There was an urgent need to evaluate the counter-terror strategy.

Nothing has been done as far as judicial and police reforms are concerned because NAP was drafted in such a haste after the APS massacre that improvement in police was not even made part of it. What timeline will now be set and then we will wait for another high-level meeting.

Can the PM and government would show some seriousness and make people accountable for their failure in NAP's implementation or will it be an exercise in futility? Success in Operation Zarb-e-Azb and the failure to implementation on NAP should not become a matter of conflict in civil-military relationship, as it looked like since such a perception could be harmful during wartime in particular.

Pakistan's complexity in dealing with three different dimensions of terrorism and militancy requires much more coordinated efforts between the civil and military leadership than what we have witnessed in this period. This is a complex war against terrorism, being fought on three different fronts – FATA, Balochistan and Karachi.

As an army chief, Gen Raheel Sharif is still confident that by the end of the year, Zarb-e-Azb would be completed and major chunk of IDPs return home, but he has publicly shown his concerns over non-implementation on NAP.

But political, social and economic reforms are not only needed in FATA but also in Balochistan and Karachi.

The government has every right to take credit for launching a meaningful operation against terrorism but then it should also accept responsibility for its failure in implementing NAP, as a backup support to Zarb-e-Azb.

The three different dimensions of terrorism have made job more difficult for both civil and military leadership. These are: (1) local and global terror networks like al Qaeda, Taliban, Daesh or their local franchise, (2) Baloch separatists groups like BLA, BLF and others, (3) militant wings in Karachi including MQM's alleged wing or Lyari gang war.

Some of the officials dealing with counter-terror strategy also believe that some of these networks have also been allegedly funded by India’s RAW and Afghan intelligence agency.

If the government fails in giving good governance and delivering basic necessities particularly in neglected areas, the youth become more vulnerable to terror networks which not only provide money but also inject their political ideology in them.

This fight despite the success stories remains an unfinished agenda. Therefore, Gen Raheel is right when he stressed the need for swift implementation on NAP, as situation in the three areas is also linked with political reforms, which are a responsibility of the government.

Unfortunately, the government never took the NAP implementation seriously and dealt it as a routine administrative work. The opposition, which too could have played more effective role in exerting pressure in Parliament, also politicised the issues.

As a result, the civilian leadership could hardly take the credit for implementing even five out of the 20 points.

Even the PPP government, which rightly take credit for initiating operations in Swat and Malakand, also failed in giving them, Nizam-e-Adl or any other political and social reforms, thus created a vacuum.

Similarly, the issue of FATA reforms has also been politicised and thus caused unnecessary delay. Since both government and opposition are gearing up for the next general elections, there is a race going on in taking maximum out of these reforms.

It is the time to abolish the decades-old draconian laws like dealing FATA through political agents and bring the tribal areas into mainstream politics. The failure of successive civil and military governments in dealing with FATA politically made them vulnerable to extremist mindset.

What we have achieved in the last eight to ten years since the launch of Swat Operation followed by Zarb-e-Azb should not be lost through failures in introducing social and economic reforms.

Whether FATA becomes part of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa or a separate province, the decision must not be delayed or politicised, which one fear ought to happen because of a political conflict between the PML-N government at the Centre and that of PTI in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

Major administrative and political reforms are also needed in Balochistan. If it is the time to abolish the system of levies and extend police control all over the province, the people of Balochistan must be ensured that their resources would be spent on them. Revolutionary economic, education and social reforms are needed to be implemented. But these should not become hostage to the chieftains who themselves played a role in keeping the province backward.

Nawaz Sharif had taken a right decision when he had nominated a nationalist leader Dr Abdul Malik to lead the government in Balochistan despite the PML-N enjoying a majority. It was a smart move and gave a positive message to the people of Baluchistan.

Unlike FATA and Balochistan, Karachi for the last seven decades remains as commercial and economic hub, the port city. Instead of developing the city into one of world's most modern one with complete infrastructure, our policy makers have turned it into a 'katchi abadi' of over 20 million. Whatever system it had like circular railway, port and shipping, water and sewerage has also been destroyed.

Karachi became a victim of biased political mindset of successive regimes as everyone agree that no one took ownership of this city, everyone used it and its resources, particularly real estate, to make the ruling elite rich. Everyone says if Karachi progresses then Pakistan progress but no one really like to see this city progress.

Terrorism in post-9/11 Pakistan remains dangerously politicized and even witnessed hidden political support for terrorists and their political ideology for long. The success of Zarb-e-Azb did bring a realisation among this particular section of society that operation was the last option.

We are already far behind the other developing countries in the field of education, healthcare and giving a powerful independent judicial system. If we could destroyed a developed city like Karachi, what one can expect from the rulers about bringing reforms in neglected areas.

All this neglect has made Pakistan vulnerable to terror and extremist mindset. If there is a sense of realisation to eradicate terrorism and extremism as a way forward, the civil and military leadership must not waste more time.

Nawaz Sharif has a major challenge ahead as he has two more years left in his third tenure to make Pakistan free from this menace.

The writer is a senior columnist and analyst of GEO, The News and Jang.