Endpiece

The election of President Zardari might be the lowest point for Pakistan's crumbling political system, low because it would have been difficult on moral grounds to elect someone with his controversial legal record to the highest office in Washington or London. And crumbling because it often collapses under the weight of frictions at the top – between the president, prime minister and the army chief.

Mr Zardari, however, played a fair game and deserves his chance at making things right. Now that he is there, there are only two roads ahead. But before we get there, let us be clear on one thing. The political setup in Pakistan today is a result of a deal whose details are unknown even to the senior members of PPP, brokered by Washington and London and endorsed by the late Benazir Bhutto and Pervez Musharraf for reasons that are not clear yet. Until the deal's purpose and objectives are revealed, the late Ms Bhutto's statements prior to her Oct 18 return to Pakistan, especially on A Q Khan, Pakistan's nuclear weapons and the US military role inside Pakistan constitute the only indicators as to the expectations of those who brokered the deal.

Now the two roads ahead. As the country's new strongman, Mr Zardari has a chance to make Pakistani democracy permanent and workable by dispelling the fears and scepticism of all stakeholders: ordinary Pakistanis, political parties and the military institution. Now firmly in power, he should not remain beholden to the terms of the foreign-brokered deal, especially the parts that pertain to reducing Pakistan's legitimate strategic power and role in its natural zone of interest.

Revelations such as Mr Zardari's contacts with the US envoy to the UN, Zalmay Khalilzad, a perennial Pakistan-basher who is close to Washington's neocon warriors, dent the new president's credibility in the eyes of those Pakistanis who are alarmed at the US agenda for Pakistan. Mr Khalilzad's friends in the Neocon movement and their mouthpieces, such as William Kristol's The Weekly Standard, have been very bold during the past eighteen months in advocating the weakening of Pakistan's military potential and forcing Islamabad to align its policy according to the concerns of New Delhi and Kabul.

The kind of advice expected from channels such as Mr Khalilzad's can be prove disastrous for Pakistan, especially now when our homeland is the focus of a concerted destabilization campaign mounted by multiple regional players. One of the unintended [or intended?] results of the US ground operation inside Pakistan last week was the tarnishing of the image of the Pakistani military in the eyes of Pakistanis on account of failure to respond to a foreign military attack.

Also, inviting Hamid Karzai to Mr Zardari's inauguration ceremony raises question marks. While no one disputes the need to maintain cordial relations with a Karzai-led Afghanistan, giving him such an honour immediately after several hostile statements against Pakistan sends the wrong message. President Zardari also failed to make any mention of a little highlighted aspect of the war on terror: how Mr Karzai has sanctioned the use of Afghan soil to spread terror inside Pakistan, especially in Balochistan and Swat. The US media is not expected to raise this point despite evidence provided by Islamabad to the Americans in bilateral exchanges. But what is stopping our president from raising this point?

Take a stand for Pakistan, Mr Zardari. You have arrived. Break free of the wages of previous commitments. .

Mr Zardari needs to take a stand for Pakistan. The time for 'deals' is up.



The writer works for Geo TV. Email: aq@ahmedquraishi.com