Will ‘Lyari gang war’ end after Uzair’s arrest?

One of the biggest disservice Pakistan People’s Party did to itself was in the “handling” of its stronghold, Lyari, which has been bleeding for decades due to “Lyari gang war,” but has now become a “no go area” for politics, thanks to inapt policies of the previous government. Can the arrest, extradition and the possible trial of Uzair Baluch, one of the big names in the world of terror, revive the old Lyari or will new gangs emerge since de-politicised Lyari suits many quarters for reasons given below.
Uzair Baluch, who entered the world of terror after the murder of his father, Faiz Baluch at the hands of rival gang leader, Arshad Papo, mysteriously escaped from Pakistan after Papo’s brutal murder.
But he got real prominence when PPP leader Dr Zulfiqar Mirza became Sindh’s interior minister and allegedly used him against MQM. Mirza, who may not be happy to see the trial of Uzair in the PPP government, had publicly admitted of issuing thousands of arms licences to take on MQM. Initially, he had the backing of top PPP leadership but when the situation started getting out of control former President Asif Ali Zardari was left with no choice but to sack him.
Uzair was accidentally arrested by Interpol recently and is presently in the custody of UAE authorities. After initial interrogation, he would be handed over to the three-member special Sindh Police team constituted to bring him back to Pakistan. The real problem will start after his return to Karachi. Will he be put on trial in the Anti-Terrorism Court, Military Court or in the normal court? A group in the PPP may not like to see his trial in the MC or even in ATC. Trial in the normal courts or even in ATC may not be a matter of worry for Uzair.
He along with Baba Ladla is perhaps the last prominent figure of the “Lyari gang war.” Journalist Naidr Shah Adil, an old resident of Lyari, once said, “Lyari issue revolves around four Police stations, which mint money from such criminal activities. Drugs and arms business is carried out under the shadow of police.”
Lyari, whose political workers like Nasir Baluch or Ayaz Samoo went to the gallows during General Zia ul Haq’s government for political reasons, remained in the forefront of the struggle for the restoration of democracy. First, it was targeted by the police as a “hideout” of Al-Zulfiqar and hundreds of PPP workers faced AZO cases and now it has become a breeding ground for the outlawed organisations including Baluch separatist groups, sectarian outfits and rival factions of Lyari gang war.
The emergence of People’s Amn Committee in the 90s was the outcome of infighting among different factions of PPP over ticket distribution. When PPP and MQM, developed differences the Zulfiqar Mirza took a very tough line against Altaf Hussain and MQM, but not without the initial support of the top leadership.
His public disclosure of issuing thousands of arms licences to Lyari’ites in the name of defending themselves, and his Rambo style (he has a picture in Rambo style), for the first time resulted in the “Baluch-Muhajir” tension, which in the end threatened the very survival of the Sindh government. After Mirza refused to calm the situation former President, Asif Ali Zardari sacked him and he even quit the Sindh Assembly. Today, he is among the dissenting voices in the PPP and not happy with the present Sindh government.
Mirza once again became active when PPP chairman, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari decided to confront MQM but Mr Zardari stopped Bilawal from issuing any statement against Altaf Hussain or MQM. What Mr Zardari once told Zulfiqar Mirza, he said to Bilawal as well: confrontation with Altaf Hussain is not in PPP’s interest. Mirza ignored his advice and lost his seat; Bilawal did not take his advice seriously and was asked to stay back in London.
The question is: why has Asif Ali Zardari taken this stance? He has no love lost for MQM or Altaf Hussain, but he knows MQM’s strength and weaknesses. He also knows where PPP stands today, and any turmoil in Sindh may not be in PPP’s favor. He also knows MQM’s electoral strength and its capabilities to bounce back as it did after 1992, 1994 to 1996 and 1998 army and police operations. So, he wants to deal with Altaf Hussain politically.
But the loss of Lyari is a big blow to PPP, which was reflected in the last public meeting held in Karachi, which was addressed by Bilawal, too. The absence of Lyari workers from the meeting was not because of any political reason but due to fear factor. PPP workers of Lyari are fighting for survival, not from outsiders but from their own people. Who is responsible for today’s Lyari? Will it be easy for the Sindh chief minister to order trial of the person whom he had visited soon after being elected as chief minister of Sindh? Will Uzair Baluch silently face trial and or will he expose a few faces who might have used him for their political designs?
The problem of Lyari has its roots in PPP’s mishandling of this lower middle class peaceful community, who once had produced great sportsmen in the field of boxing and football in particular. What PPP needs is the formula that Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and later Benazir Bhutto applied in Lyari.
Bhutto, after he was elected as prime minister, went to Lyari and asked the people to get passports. He even reduced the passport fee. He then sent a very large number of Lyari residents to the Middle East to seek jobs abroad and improve their lives. He opened job quota for them in different government departments, particularly sports. Later, Benazir Bhutto increased this quota and also announced educational institutions in Lyari.
The policy of privatisation badly affected the lower middle class and increased unemployment. The extremists, nationalists and the Lyari gangs took advantage of this situation and they started recruiting them for much higher wages.
The ultimate outcome is before us. The football stadium, which once used to hold great football matches, was later used to play football with the head of a rival gang member. The boxers quit boxing and joined gangs. Rehmat Dakait, Arshad Papu or Zafar Baluch are no more. Who knows tomorrow Uzair Baluch and Baba Ladla may face the same fate. But if the situation on ground remains the same there can be more Rehmans, Arshads, Zafars or Uzairs and Babas, but Lyari, which Bhutto had once described as something close to his heart, will remain a graveyard for politics. It is time for PPP to wake up.
The writer is the senior analyst, columnist of Geo, The News and jang.