Political dilemma

The Islamabad High Court has rejected Imran Khan’s request to suspend the Election Commission of Pakistan’s order instantly in the Toshakhana reference, with IHC Chief Justice Athar Minallah asking what the rush was while also clarifying that PTI Chairman Imran Khan can indeed contest elections. This puts to rest the debate about the duration of his disqualification; Imran stands disqualified only limited to his current seat in the National Assembly, from which he had already resigned. The PTI seems confused on many issues. But one thing it has been constant in has been its instantaneous recourse to the courts regarding every decision that it doesn’t like. From the interpretation of Article 63A to challenging the NAB amendment laws, the PTI has been in a challenge-everything-in-court mode soon after the vote of no-confidence was moved. Instead of remaining in parliament and challenging the new government in the House, the PTI has till now focused on street agitation, using various pressure tactics, asking for intervention, and going from court to court to challenge whatever verdict or judgement or law it disagrees with. It was because of the PTI’s presidential reference seeking interpretation of Article 63A that a constitutional matter became so murky and confusing that some legal experts cautioned it near-changed the constitution with regard to dissident members of a party.

The mainstay of the PTI's strategy has been the narrative that it was pushed out through a foreign conspiracy and that the only way to fix this is to ensure early elections. The government – which has not had the most solid PR or political strategy – has also doubled down on not holding early elections. And that is the stalemate the country is stuck with as it looks at more months of financial uncertainty, a winter without gas, and helpless flood-affectees trying to keep their lives together. In the meanwhile, the rumour mills have been hard at work from as far back as April this year. Talk of backdoor negotiations between the government and the PTI has become louder this month though, with political observers saying that this is being done to avoid a face-off during a long march that Imran Khan is set to announce on Friday. There have been a lot of speculations about whether a long march will take place or not, whether the date will be announced before the November appointment, whether the PTI leadership is ready for it, and whether it will depend on a ‘green signal’. But political observers also caution that if there is any violence or a deadlock goes on for too long while Imran’s aggressive politics continues, there is a chance of the country's political system being far more dangerously affected. This is where the real danger lies and why the PTI may be willing to talk to the government.

The PTI is confident – and possibly rightly so – that the next elections are theirs to win (or lose) and it won't settle for anything less than the next government. If the democratic system itself is in danger, this would hurt the PTI too in terms of power politics. It is important for Imran Khan to realize that building a narrative against the ECP actually puts the entire election process in doubt. Building a narrative against other political parties discredits the entire political system. Building a narrative against the media hurts media freedom in the country. Perhaps some restraint is finally in order? Once things get out of control, not a single political stakeholder can claim to be the victor.