Barriers against militancy

Though tensions between India and Pakistan have visibly abated, the situation remains grave. With the kind of passions that the two countries have invested in their unending animosity, the present standoff could still cause a fresh spark. That is how ‘The New York Times’, in an editorial this week, has warned that the two countries’ nuclear arsenals mean “unthinkable consequences are always possible”.

But, irrespective of how the present phase of de-escalation between India and Pakistan is managed at the diplomatic level, we need to devote some attention to this new resolve on the part of the Pakistan government to weed out all banned organisations and, essentially, do away with extremism and militancy.

Yes, this is not the first time that such an operation has been undertaken. We have had our National Action Plan that was prompted by that unbearable terrorist attack on the Army Public School in Peshawar in December 2014. However, the task has not yet been completed and has now been resumed to reassure the international community that Pakistan does not harbour any terror outfits.

Besides, we have to contend with the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and implement the action plan given to the global terror-financing watchdog. There is this impression that Pakistan had faced a tough time at last month’s FATF meeting in Paris. We just averted being blacklisted.

Against this flaming backdrop, I intend to devote my attention to how these measures that have been initiated against militancy are likely to influence our social and societal circumstances. Are we, in a sense, moving towards the paradigm shift we need to promote an enlightened and progressive society that does not breed militancy and intolerance?

In this respect, the most important question to ask is whether the rulers of Pakistan are willing and ready to redefine national security and appreciate the damage that is done when forces that nurture orthodoxy and obscurantism are actively protected. After all, our survival also demands a liberated populace that is able to deal with the challenges of the modern world.

Incidentally, the observance of the International Women’s Day on Friday underlined the importance of empowering women in our struggle to move ahead and establish social justice in this country. I was witness to how enthusiastically the Women’s Day was celebrated in Karachi on the lawns of Frere Hall. Similar gatherings were held in other major cities. A number of seminars and meetings expressed solidarity with women and called for justice against violence and harassment.

One is really encouraged to see how young women in the modern sector are able to assert their freedom and raise their voice against injustices. The slogans that were raised and painted on small placards during Friday’s rallies projected defiance in a starkly uninhibited manner. We do have ample evidence that the modern Pakistani woman can truly proclaim our pride as a nation – from Benazir to Asma Jahangir to Malala Yousafzai.

But this, sadly, is not the entire picture. One grim reminder of the situation that exists is the Global Gender Index 2018 that was released by the World Economic Forum. It showed Pakistan as the second worst country in the world in terms of gender parity, ranking 148 out of 149 countries.

Even if you have a reason to quarrel with this ranking, the status accorded to women in our traditional, feudal and tribal settings is almost primitive in nature. We constantly have reminders of this in brutal incidents of ‘honour killings’. So much so that in a shining city like Karachi a jirga can sentence a couple to death for the crime of marrying for love – and the sentence is duly carried out.

It so happens that just two days before the Women’s Day this week, Afzal Kohistani, who had exposed the Kohistan honour killing scandal was shot dead in Abbottabad. I would not go into any details but this assassination, because of the story it unfolds, found its place in the global media.

‘The Washington Post’, in a dispatch Pamela Constable sent from Kabul, published this report on Thursday with this long headline: “A Pakistani man told me he feared he’d be killed for exposing ‘honour killings’. His worst fears just came true”.

In a larger perspective, the crisis of Pakistani society at this time is born of the pressures that are being exerted by the authorities to restrict democratic freedoms and civil liberties. I believe that this approach would subvert the ongoing nationwide crackdown on militancy, if it is to be pursued in right earnest.

There have been reports about operations to arrest activists of banned organisations and take over scores of seminaries and other assets and facilities of the specific outfits. It has been stated that the operation would continue until its objectives are achieved.

On Thursday, after a meeting of the corps commanders, Army Chief Gen Qamar Bajwa ordered the army to extend full support to the government in its crackdown on militant organisations under the National Action Plan. Obviously, the tempo of this campaign is rising and Pakistan needs to show to the world that it means business this time.

In any case, any long-term impact of this operation should depend on the kind of political and social activity that is promoted by the overall state of the society. For that, the ruling establishment must reconsider its approach towards dealing with, for instance, the media and the civil society. The space for freedom in Pakistan’s civil society has been shrinking and society is being deprived of the strength that it needs to stand up to the vile forces of terror and militancy.

It is doubtful if our rulers are able to understand a symbiotic relationship between political oppression and militancy. But Pakistan has suffered enough to realise that its options now are restricted and some amendments are necessary in its national security paradigm. We talk a lot about Jinnah’s Pakistan but refuse to pay heed to his message that is not so ambiguous.

By the way, we have also been reminded of the Quaid this week by the death of his excellent biographer, Stanley Wolpert, a renowned American historian of South Asia. He had also written biographies of other prominent leaders of India and Pakistan. But his ‘Jinnah of Pakistan’ stands out. We do not know if those who are at the helm now read books but it will be Pakistan’s good luck if they find time to carefully study the life of its Founder.

The writer is a senior journalist.

Email: ghazi_salahuddin@hotmail.com