Repeating history

The Nawaz League’s third government at the centre will be completing its two years by early June. Having replaced arguably the most corrupt dispensation that ran the roost for a full five years, Nawaz Sharif’s return as prime minister was initially greeted with relief. No matter how he were to fare at the helm again, the very thought of the level of plundering coming down was refreshing.
Zulfiqar Mirza’s not so shocking revelations have only strengthened the popular perception about Asif Zardari’s weakness for amassing wealth.
So far so good.
Nawaz had his own worries. Foremost among those was to ensure the survival and longevity of his rule, having slipped twice from the pinnacle before. Looking at the personages around the PM, it became clear that he felt secure only working with the faithful. That basically included those who remained steadfast while Mian Sahib was traversing the wilderness.
Family ties are sacred. Shahbaz Sharif remains the driving force of the system as he outsmarts others both in terms of ideas and action. Ishaq Dar has gradually assumed the role of deputy prime minister. The old lynchpin Nisar appears destabilised and his exact position in the constellation at any given moment is subject to speculation.
In his efforts aimed at total security for the house of Sharif, the prime minister came up with the brilliant idea of co-opting another Sharif, this time in uniform. The combination has worked as insurance for the ruling family even though the balance has been gradually tilting in favour of soldier Sharif notably after civilian Sharif sought a helping hand amid daily premonitions from D-Chowk about the umpire’s finger going up.
With this civil-military alignment at the top, the government is run by family and proven loyalists. It is assisted by a small group of senior civil servants cleared by Takht-e-Lahore. These are the same people who successfully passed the rites of passage under the no-nonsense chief minister of Punjab. As the icing on the cake of power, the prime minister has kept the portfolios of foreign affairs and communications with himself.
What can possibly go wrong after Nawaz III has dug the trenches so deep? A lot – because kingship has to be won every day. The challenges of governance do not end after you have built the systems in Islamabad and Lahore to your liking. While Pakistan’s ranking in social development indices is stagnant or declining, the PML-N leadership is incurably addicted to mega projects.
The federal government’s penchant for grand projects is turning to be its Achilles’ heel. Among others, it has led the smaller provinces to portray the centre as a Punjab-centric set up that is wary of running an inclusive show.
Right or wrong, the ongoing uproar from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa about the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor becoming increasingly Punjab-oriented is not their first but the most prominent grievance against Punjabi rule. The more Ahsan Iqbal denies changes in the original route, the greater become voices of dissent, now symbolised by a protest by the KP chief minister. Sindh, Balochistan, Fata and Gilgit-Baltistan have also voiced concerns about the corridor projects being earmarked for Punjab.
There are other issues, like the absence of a new NFC award or the non-payment of royalties over the utilisation of water resources etc. All these feed into the existing sense of deprivation over Punjab’s domination of the federal cabinet as well as the central secretariat. Clarifications will not help assuage hurt feelings. Affirmative action is required to raise the smaller provinces’ profile in Islamabad. A few out-of-turn promotions based on merit for civil servants hailing from Sindh and Balochistan should be considered.
Rafiq Rajwana’s appointment as governor Punjab is a statesman-like step in favour of southern Punjab. This should lead to other nominations to political offices. Sharif brothers need to apply some out-of-the-box solutions like appointing independent legislators or even from opposition parties to improve the representation from the smaller provinces. A bipartisan approach can be a salutary way out of reducing the Punjabi hold in government.
The PML-N government is also suffering from inexplicable indecisions and delays. In the third year of a five-year term, it should rush to fill all vacant posts in the administration and corporate sector. Leaving top slots unoccupied can do great harm to public entities. Keeping available posts in bureaucracy unfilled helps no one and denies public officials timely promotions.
The PML-N has learned from its two earlier terms in office to avoid repeating the same mistakes. In terms of pure survival, it is better prepared this time around. General Musharraf was recently asked in a TV interview whether 2015 will be election year as promised by the still irrepressible Khan. He said that was unlikely to happen and went on to add that the government would complete its term.
If Mian Sahib has overcome the challenges of survival in power, what is he likely to bequeath to the nation in his unprecedented third term in office? Surely more roads, flyovers, metros and underpasses as well as an economic corridor that would partially meet the megawatt deficit.
But there is a whole moral dimension to governance. Loadshedding is as much a function of power deficit as of power theft and an outdated transmission system. That is just one indicator of the pressing need to embark on the path of uplifting the nation socially while cruising along the highways. Physical progress without matching social infrastructure to ensure better security, health and education for the masses will not win Nawaz greater support at the popular level.
The umpire’s finger may not rise but the ballot box will give the final verdict on the order of priorities the ruling party has set for itself.
Email: saeed.saeedk@gmail.com