Neoliberalism

During his presidential campaign, Donald Trump (in)famously declared that he would build a wall between Mexico and the United States (and make Mexico pay for it) to keep the criminals and ‘rapists’ out.

Analysing Trump’s shocking victory, professor      Cornel West maintains         that it represents the ‘desperate and xenophobic cry of human hearts for a way out from under the devastation of a disintegrating neoliberal order’.

The owner of a vast business empire, President-elect Trump is, more than anything else, a businessman. Not having one iota of political experience, he ran on an anti-politics ticket in which his business acumen was touted as a serious qualification for the presidency. Indeed, he promised to run the government      like a business enterprise.

Trump’s cabinet picks suggest that, perhaps for once, he was not misleading the public. Talking neoliberal-speak, their rhetoric is uncannily familiar: privatisation, deregulation, capital enhancement, and entrepreneurialism.

The soon-to-be-Secretary of Education, Republican billionaire Betsy DeVos, for example, has been instrumental in deregulating Michigan’s charter schools. Not unlike the privatisation of prisons, in Michigan, around 80 percent of these schools       are currently  run by private companies.

Similarly, Tom Price, Trump’s pick for secretary of health and human services, wants to       privatise healthcare reform, allowing “flexibility” while instituting dramatic changes to the tax code.

West is consequently wrong on this particular front. What we are likely to witness is not the end of, but rather a trumped-up version of, neoliberalism. If, in the Barack Obama years, we saw neoliberalism intersect with a variety of progressive projects, such as marriage equality, in the coming years Americans will likely be subjected to a convergence between ethnonationalism and neoliberalism.

In a recent opinion article,    Mike LeVine writes    that “many working and middle-class whites [realise that the neoliberal era] is never going to produce the kinds of jobs and lives for which they have long felt entitled.”

Consequently, when Trump “gave them a choice between an ersatz multiracial democracy in which they are increasingly disadvantaged” or a vote for white privilege and supremacy, they voted for the latter. Well, they probably did not vote for neoliberalism, but neoliberalism is precisely what they are going to get.

Under neoliberalism as a regime of truth, inequality is legitimate because there are, simply and shamelessly, winners and losers. Trump promised his voters that they would be the winners, mobilising white supremacy - alongside other hateful rhetoric, so that they would vote for him.

What he neglected to state is that neoliberalism flourishes in societies where the playing field is already stacked against various segments of society, and that it needs only a relatively small select group of capital-enhancing subjects, while everyone else is ultimately dispensable. Trump’s ascendancy should not be seen as marking neoliberalism’s demise, but rather as ushering in its newest stage.

Indeed, what we are witnessing is the transmutation of a Clinton-Obama neoliberal order with its liberal rights-promoting veneer into a neoliberalism shorn of any trace of shame or guilt. This is truly neoliberalism on steroids.

 

The article has been excerpted from: ‘Trumping it up:
Neoliberalism on steroids’.

Courtesy: Aljazeera.com