MQM needs to revisit its politics

The Muttahida Qaumi Movement is passing through a difficult phase despite its electoral success, but the recent release of some of its "workers" has eased the tension, though the "ice has not fully melted" so far. In return, the party has also taken few "confidence-building measures”. Will there be a turnaround in MQM politics and change of heart on the other side towards the powerful urban party?

Altaf Hussain's tone in his last speech at Lal Qila, Azizabad, was milder than his speech at Numaish, which caused him and the party a lot of problems and cases were registered against them under the Anti-Terrorism Act.

In a related development, the chief of the newly-formed Pak Sarzameen Party (PSP), Mustafa Kamal, who has been demanding ban on the MQM, has recently expressed his frustration over the handling of the MQM by the government and the establishment. He said it appeared certain forces liked to "retain" him (Altaf Hussain). Without naming the PSP, a senior MQM leader, Dr Farooq Sattar, has predicted surprises for his opponents.

In the light of some background interviews with the party leaders, senior Rangers officials and others who matter to the MQM have to do a lot more while the establishment too is not happy with certain policies of the Sindh government in dealing with urban Sindh and indirectly supporting MQM demands.

The issue of MQM Chief Altaf Hussain has been left with courts like ban on his speech, cases of money laundering, alleged links with the RAW and Dr Imran Farooq murder case. Sources said the MQM too had agreed that it would follow the legal path and appreciated the recent release of its leaders and workers and hoped that the "missing workers" would also return home soon.

"Indirectly, the issue related to the minus-one formula was left with courts," a highly-placed source said. Altaf himself had taken the decision and gave guidelines to the party in case he is convicted or jailed. On the other hand, if he gets the clean chit, the establishment may also review its stance about him.

The outcome of the FIA investigation into his alleged links with the RAW is a “make and break point” for Altaf Hussain. The MQM would be left with no other choice but to make a serious review of its politics, if that happens. The ban on the MQM is not on the agenda, but in case such an allegation is proven, he himself would be left with no other choice but to quit. The question is what if he gets the "clean chit"? Will the MQM be acceptable to the relevant quarters?

The money laundering and Dr Imran Farooq murder cases which the sources said were "interlinked" and were of political significance. The MQM London and Pakistan chapters have to decide the future of the party in the light of these developments, particularly the way forward in the worst scenario.

In the last one year, the relations between the MQM and the establishment remained tense. Efforts were made to ease the tension but each time a "hard hitting" speech from Altaf Hussain blocked the process. The situation in the last three months was improving before the tragic death of Aftab Ahmad in the Rangers custody. A prompt action from the Rangers and the arrest of suspected personnel eased the tension. It was followed by the release of some MQM important leaders and activists.

Earlier, the MQM had taken few steps to improve its relationship, starting from abolishing the Karachi Tanzeemi Committee, sectors and units          all three branded by the intelligence as "key to MQM’s alleged involvement in militancy”. The party has also said to have agreed to "screen out" people labelled by the intelligence as "militants".

There are still no understanding on some key issues including the alleged involvement of some of MQM leaders and members of the Rabita Committee with its "militant wing". But, in the process, the MQM has sidelined some of them while others have already left the country.

The MQM also knows it would not be easy for the party in collecting Zakat and hides during Ramadan and on Eids this year. The MQM has some serious complaints about certain elements within the intelligence, which at times led to provocation. It happened when some of its leaders including Qamar Mansoor were picked and badly tortured. But the death of Aftab Ahmad in the Rangers custody put the Rangers in a difficult position and it did the right thing by putting all suspected personnel behind bars. The MQM has been told that it would not use the tactic of collecting Zakat, allegedly by force, but its leaders contested that the recent raid and seizure of Khidmat-e-Khalq Foundation books was an act of provocation.

The establishment wants the MQM to take some confidence-building measures and vice versa. It is suspicious about the MQM’s 24-hour activity at 90 and Khursheed Memorial Hall. This issue particularly came up after the recovery of arms from KMH last March. The Rangers suspect "mysterious activities" at KMH, after midnight.

The MQM leaders have contested this claim and said that because of its overseas organisations and London Secretariat, it’s not possible to close offices after midnight. In other words, the MQM has been told to close its "headquarters" after midnight, which the party has refused to do.

In the last meeting between the Rangers DG and MQM senior leaders, it was agreed that the MQM would stop its supporters from creating any hurdles for PSP rallies. But, at the same time, the MQM has also complained that certain intelligence officials have exerted pressure on its leaders to change their loyalties and this practice should be stopped as it creates provocation.

Therefore, the issue of the MQM is not confined to the "minus one" or "plus one" formula. Here, the crisis is of accepting it as a legitimate representative urban force and giving it rights and share in resources. This is another dynamic of politics of urban Sindh and secret behind the MQM's vote bank, which is still intact.

The MQM's political philosophy is based on the rights of Mohajirs, but it has to take responsibility for its failure too and now has to revisit its politics, keeping the ground realities in mind. How far Altaf Hussain, who is living in London since January 1992, is well-versed with the changes on the ground in the last few years, especially when due to his age factor and deteriorating health, he is unable to remain as active as he was few years back.

Altaf's critics say militancy is one factor which has damaged the MQM most. There are also people other than MQM supporters, who see it differently and believe that in the initial years of the MQM, it opted for militancy because of "fear and insecurity" but then it went out of control and the party practically went into the hands of sector and unit incharges who mostly handled the situation through muscles rather than politics. The "area control" strategy first through zonal chiefs and later through sector incharges could have worked out had the leadership taken notice of complaints about rising extortion.

Due to the absence of Mr Hussain, he has often been "misinformed" about the party's situation on the ground and as a result, differences within the party sharpened. The fallout within the MQM after the 2013 elections clearly established this fact as Mr Hussain could not have even imagined that someone like Anis Qaimkhani, Mustafa Kamal, Anis advocate and Raza Haroon would leave the party.

What happened after elections in the general body was the reflection of the political leadership losing control and predominant positions of sector and unit incharges.

Unlike other mainstream parties, the MQM politics is different as well as difficult as it has yet to turn into a party from a "movement". As long as the issue of political disparity is not addressed, they would continue to dominate politics of urban Sindh. Merely, handling Karachi through economic development would not resolve the issue unless its representatives are given share in resources by empowering city governments.

The PPP-led Sindh government has a role to play. Announcing the "Karachi package" worth billions of rupees for bridges, roads, etc may not be the solution unless local governments are empowered. Issues like establishing the Hyderabad University or not releasing grant to the Karachi University have been considered on ethnic grounds rather than academic. The MQM should also avoid politics over education. Now, if the provincial government makes mayors of Karachi, Hyderabad and Sukkur, it will not affect the MQM politically. On the contrary, it would help the MQM exploit the issue as "injustice to Mohajirs".

The alleged militancy in the MQM in its early years was linked to "fear and insecurity". It claimed it used this factor as "self defence" against other ethnic and extremist groups. Its first major conflict emerged with the Islami Jamiat Tulaba on colleges and university campuses. Since All Pakistan Mohajir Students Organisation was causing dent to the IJT, it allegedly used its power and forcibly blocked the APMSO entry into educational institutions.

Dynamics of urban politics may not change unless the establishment, federal and provincial approach towards dealing with problems which gave birth to parties like the MQM does not change. So the MQM does not need violence or militancy to control urban Sindh.

It can continue to win polls through more democratic approach and say "goodbye" to militancy as its cadre becomes the victim as well the accused and serves no purpose. The MQM needs a "new political charter" based on unity of Sindh, for which the other side also needs to accept it as a political reality.

The writer is a senior columnist and analyst of the Geo News, The News and daily Jang.