Floods and discourse

The geographical targets of floods are changing in Pakistan, and so is the discourse on the causes of floods.

As floods move direction from rural-only to urban-included territories, the population affected is no longer the working class alone. That is resulting in a change of narratives on floods, highlighting again which voices echo in the policy chambers and which remain ever unheard.

So long as floods disturbed the rural life and ruined the ‘kach’a houses of the poor only, they were 'natural' disasters that one could do nothing to prevent except for seeking the Almighty's forgiveness since, the argument went, these disasters come about as a result of our sins. A narrative of helplessness used to form the dominant discourse.

However, urban floods of recent times, especially last year's floods in Karachi and this year's in Islamabad, have changed the script. Now that the floods have increased the risk for middle and upper classes in the urban centres of the country, they are no longer considered a 'natural' occurrence. People affected by these urban floods are not helpless victims of a natural disaster, they are citizens of Pakistan. Something can and ought to be done to prevent such happenings; better planning and implementation from the authorities is needed. Such are the slogans on most TV channels, print news outlets and social media sites.

While one may be tempted to praise the shift in discourse by saying ‘better late than never’, some additional details prevent reaching such conclusions. The latest policy position is no different than previous ones in that it continues to be exclusionary, prioritising the rights and demands of one class of citizens over the others.

Population in the flood risked/affected regions of Karachi and Islamabad is being divided into two types: population that is the cause of floods and population that is affected by the floods. If we recall the viral videos that emerged from the recent floods in E-11 sector of Islamabad, we see Corollas worth millions being swept away by the flood; what we do not see is the state of the ‘kacha’ or ‘semi-pukk’a houses of the working class who live in the same sector. That should allow us to understand that it is the interest of Corolla owners that the recent shift in discourses on floods aims to protect against the interests of poor working class living in the Katchi Abadis (informal urban settlements).

Katchi abadi residents are not seen amongst the victims of the floods but rather those who cause the floods to get out of hand. It is argued that they encroach the government owned land, build illegal and unsafe houses on nullahs which results in reduced drainage capacity especially during the monsoon season, resulting in urban flooding. With such a policy narrative, the solution seems quite clear: nullahs need to be cleaned and the katchi abadi residents that are contributing to the blockage of nullahs must face eviction for the greater public good.

It might be more appropriate to say that the katchi abadi residents must face eviction for the greater public’s (or superior public’s) good. The word ‘encroachment’ is interesting because governments, policymakers and the ‘woke’ voices in the media implicitly divide encroachment into two types: the legal encroachment of the haves of this country and the illegal encroachment of the have-nots.

From the development of the capital city of Islamabad to the development of the various powerful housing societies of this country, every brick cements and deepens the widely accepted discourse that accepts the encroachments of affluents as legal and the basic human right of the working classes to a shelter as illegal. If we accept such policy narratives, we are giving acceptance to the notion that it is okay for rich people to encroach, and in fact when they do it, it is not encroachment at all.

In conclusion, when people of the upper classes disturb the environmental ecology and risk the country to become the seventh most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, we call it ‘development’, but when the working classes try to claim their right to shelter, we call it encroachment and talk the big-talk of evictions?

If anything, it is not the katchi abadi residents who should face eviction, it should be the residents of the big-name housing societies, and other such upper-class residential brands of this country facing eviction to ensure the restoration of the environmental ecology of the country.

The writer is a researcher at Idara-e-Taleem-o-Aagahi (ITA).

Email: aqeelmalick@gmail.com