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Thursday March 28, 2024

Bhutto’s recipe for Pakistan’s survival

By Wajid Shamsul Hasan
January 07, 2016

Martyred Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was one of the greatest leaders of the 20th century and the one who shall continue to occupy a unique niche in the hall of fame in the annals of humankind. His was an enigmatic personality. Born in feudal setting like Chinese premier Chou En-lai, he moulded himself to be leader of have not. He cared for them, rushed against time for the alleviation of their sufferings, unshackling them, giving them voice to speak and stand up for their rights.

Professor Ian Talbot observed in his lecture on Bhutto last year, that he “is occupying a public space as a charismatic leader arising from coalescing social, political, cultural and economic factors. To put it simply, Bhutto’s charisma was rooted in his embodiment of popular aspirations for social justice.”

At a recent function organised by Reading Branch of PPP to celebrate his 88th birthday, I was asked what I thought was Bhutto’s most outstanding achievement. I could have said his dare, his commitment and his defiance at the cost of his life to make Pakistan a nuclear power.

Or it could be Simla Agreement in 1972 that has given sub-continent 43 years of peace to date. It was his masterly stroke of statesmanship and diplomatic skill that despite being the leader of a vanquished nation he negotiated with victorious Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi an honourable peace agreement without compromising Pakistan’s position.

Each one of these was his great achievement second to none. However, as a student of history my response was totally unexpected but extremely relevant in the context of on going tug-of-war between centres of power in Pakistan.

Smaller provinces are raising hue and cry over what they call disrespect of the provincial autonomy by the federal government as explicitly laid down in the 18th Amendment. In Sindh, it is considered as subservience of the civil authority to the Praetorian diktat. One has even heard it being described as invasion of Sindh by the federal government. Independent constitutional experts, however, have a different view.

For them it is perhaps a calculated attempt by the establishment to undo the 18th Amendment as it stands contrary to central authority being the sole arbiter of power. In this context one finds veteran parliamentarian and the Chairman of the Senate, Senator Raza Rabbani’s recent remarks that apprehending moves are being made to undermine the settled issue of the quantum of autonomy as enshrined in 18th amendment — is matter of most alarming concern.

This brings me to the most outstanding achievement of ZAB and his role as the saviour of Pakistan after 1971 break up. Notwithstanding the ignominious role of General Yahya and his junta in not handing over power to the elected representatives of the people as the immediate cause, fear of the possibility of history being repeated makes it imperative to discuss here those irreversible factors that would have led to the break up in any case. And after East Pakistan, other provinces too could have followed suit.

ZAB had realised much too early the main cause that would force East Pakistan to go independent. He had studied the break up of India in two independent states not as a consequence of religious divide but entirely due to economic disparities and conflict of interests between Muslims and Hindus pertaining to employment in services, equal opportunities in business, equitable share in power and resources. And why would East Pakistan that had spearheaded Pakistan movement seek independence?

Reasons were imbedded in its economic exploitation by the Centre, its step-motherly treatment in power and resource sharing despite it being the majority province. A similar situation existed in the three smaller provinces of West Pakistan that had been merged into One-Unit to reduce them to the status of colonial fiefs of Lahore.

One Unit was a well-thought out contraption for domination to bring it at par with the Eastern Wing as the later had been generous to accept the principle of parity for keeping the country together by sacrificing its numerical majority.

General Yahya dissolved One-Unit on great public demand. Growing discontent among the smaller provinces against Lahore’s domination/exploitation expressed in volatile slogans seeking Sindhudesh, Pakhtoonistan and independent Baluchistan—was much of the same as manifested in East Pakistan’s Independence movement.

After the fall of Dhaka and military’s total incapacitation by its defeat made the prospects of creation of three more states imminent especially when the Soviet leadership had made it clear that it stood for the right of self-determination of the smaller nationalities.

India would have got what it wanted without going to war.

It was a challenge for Bhutto who as a student wrote a letter to his leader—Quaid-e-Azam promising— that if need be—  he would lay down his life for his Pakistan. ZAB read clearly the writing on the wall and got down to saving Pakistan from yet another break up. He intensely lobbied with the elected representatives of the remaining provinces to remain inseparable component of a federal Pakistan in which they were to have more powers and greater autonomy than enjoyed by the states in the United States of America as promised to them by the Quaid.

Being patriots, they were only seeking justice for their people, not independence. They readily agreed to be framers of the 1973 Constitution incorporating the inalienable concept of autonomy. 1973 Constitution being the product of the collective wisdom of the elected representatives of the four provinces has proved to be  stronger bond to sustain residual Pakistan then religion.

General Zia’s martial law, his distortions, arbitrary amendments to make him all powerful—did disgorge the constitution, yet neither he nor General Musharraf—had the dare to abrogate it.

Martyred Benazir Bhutto much before she decided to return to Pakistan had made it clear to her party leaders and others who were with her in the long struggle for the restoration of democracy—that Pakistan could only be saved by maximum autonomy to the provinces and collective wisdom of national leadership as the country had been inflicted upon tonnes of unmanageable problems by successive dictators.

No doubt like her martyred father she is no more, her successors— the PPPP and Asif Ali Zardari as President—fulfilled her promise through 18th Amendment. Since it has made the provinces really autonomous, it has become a bone of contention for the other two centres of power—the military and the federal government.

Senate Chairman Raza Rabbani’s warning that it would be disastrous if 18th amendment is fouled with by powers that be—is both timely and in order especially when impeding Balkanisation is threatening Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan and other countries in the region.

The author is the former High Commissioner of Pakistan to UK