On populism - Part II

Globalisation, the 2008 financial crisis, wars in the Middle East, the ensuing migration to Europe, and soaring inequality (a ramification that is fundamental to the dominant neoliberal order) are some of the major factors contributing to populism’s upsurge.

While globalisation has opened up new markets for mega corporations and the well-heeled to exploit, the neoliberal order – by design – has allowed them to shield capital, dodge taxes, and monopolise profits. The world’s eight richest people are said to own as much as the poorest 3.5 billion, and as the number of billionaires continues to soar, the widening economic disparity fuels resentment among the rest.

The 2008 recession led to the emergence of anti-austerity movements in Europe (such as Podemos in Spain and Syriza in Greece) and the US (in the form of Occupy Wall Street). Motivated by fury at the impunity and lack of accountability of financial institutions, these movements became a classic example of ‘the people’ versus ‘the elite’.

The outbreak of civil wars and imperial interventions in the Middle East resulted in millions being forced to escape their homelands to survive. As most made their way westwards, European right-wing populists’ refrain about threats to jobs, wages and their ‘way of life’ continued to gain currency among their most-affected compatriots.

Closer to, and at, home the perceived and material financial corruption of rulers has provided the platform for demagogues to rise. A perception has been created that better governance is achieved through self-righteousness and promotion of faux-morality, with simplistic solutions provided for extremely complex problems.

What has swelled the ranks of populism’s supporters is the perceived failure of democracy. The chasm between the dream of achieving glowing ideals of equality and responsible governance, and its tarnished reality, has exacerbated people’s cynicism.

Their assertion that the system is rigged to cater to the whims of a small, wealthy and self-serving class holds ground until you dig beyond the surface.

The problem lies not with democracy itself, but with its neoliberal variant, which has steadily pervaded its tentacles since the time of its leading protagonists, Thatcher and Reagan.

Since the early 1980s, the free flow of capital and labour has been accompanied by the promotion of a culture of individualism. Coupled with the vilification of socialism, a new era of ‘prosperity for all’ through trickle-down growth was assured. Collectivism was disparaged – recall Thatcher’s ‘there’s no such thing as society’ – and a survival-of-the-fittest mindset was enshrined. To paraphrase one of the most famous references from popular culture at the time, greed felt good, and various incarnations of Gordon Gekko began to thrive.

The mid-1990s brought to the fore ‘third-way’ centrism. While claiming to champion bipartisan consensus, it promoted feeble approaches to decision-making and only helped in embedding the status quo. Partisan global institutions that camouflage the inequities of capitalism, also began to be viewed as just another wall that the corrupt elite had built to keep real power away from the people.

Muddled centrism, with its emphasis on depoliticisation of some issues and their handing over to technocratic experts, was always going to be a recipe for disaster. Nothing can stay depoliticised forever. That is politics.

Hence, as the vast majority of people began to feel poorly served and repulsed by this form of politics, a reaction was inevitable. A reaction that manifested itself in the form of populism.

As outlined earlier, populism has rightly been exposed for its triviality. So, what is the alternative?

One can argue for a return to ideological politics and adoption of leftist policies.

Despite ultimately being thwarted by their respective political establishments, the campaigns run by Sanders and Corbyn offer hope for a future where the needs of the ‘many not the few’ are protected and advanced.

The mere fact that two principled septuagenarians – who have consistently subscribed to leftist philosophy for almost half a century – even reached a position where they were able to mount a serious challenge and inflict a mighty scare in two of capitalism’s bulwarks provides reason for encouragement. Given that they draw most of their support from the younger generation also bodes well for the future.

Recent events too point towards a revulsion with the status quo and prevailing institutional inertia, and depict the changing nature of political and social debate. The mass uprising triggered by the murders of George Floyd and Rayshard Brooks have adopted a markedly anti-imperialist and anti-colonial character, with statues commemorating racist historical leaders and slave traders being knocked down.

While authorities have denounced the defacing as vandalism, not many have stuck their necks out to defend those previously venerated. The proposed plans for law-enforcement reform in many US states is another positive development. Increasingly, discourse has also begun to revolve around comprehensive healthcare for everyone, minimum wage, and social welfare.

And while, in the grand scheme of affairs, these small victories may appear to be nothing more than palliative gains, they provide vital oxygen for any movement to ultimately succeed.

The self-serving centre will continue attempting to ridicule the left as hopeless dreamers and make them appear ill-equipped for the gargantuan task of governance. But as recent events have demonstrably shown, governments with a socialist bent have been among the most effective in dealing with the pandemic.

Cuba – a country that prides itself on its health system – has almost eliminated Covid-19 from the island. It has recently averaged less than ten cases a day and has now gone two weeks without a reported death from the virus. Vietnam has reported zero deaths and less than 400 cases. Other welfare states such as Germany, New Zealand, Finland, and Denmark are also among the handful of successful countries.

The past five months have wreaked havoc across the world, reignited racial tensions and borne tragedies of untold proportions. The manner in which events are unfolding are reminiscent of the turmoil that followed the last global pandemic just over a century ago. Then too, the far-right was on the march; polarising politics, fanning the flames of hatred and winning over millions with their vile slogans. The world paid a heavy price for wilfully ignoring its rise then. And fearfully, it may do so again.

There are lessons in history for polities that are amenable to the betterment of their societies. Continuing with business as usual would symbolise our abject failure at learning from it. And that, perhaps, would be the greatest tragedy of them all.

Concluded

The writer works as a development practitioner for a local consultancy.

Twitter: @ShahrukhNR