KLF session defends 18th Amendment but calls for strengthening local govts

When citizens will see their needs are being met, their trust in the system, federation and state will increase. If you desire a robust state, you must fulfil the people’s needs. The power centered in Islamabad and Rawalpindi must be de-centralised and devolved to the district level.

These remarks were made by former federal minister Asad Umar at a session on Saturday on the second day of the Karachi Literature Festival underway at the picturesque Beach Luxury Hotel. Journalist Amber Rahim Shamsi moderated the session titled ‘Evolving Federation: Two Steps Forward One Step Back’.

Umar said that he was a supporter of the 18th Amendment as it was a positive step, which should be further strengthened. “If people’s issues are resolved at their doorstep, it will strengthen the federation rather than weaken it. The federation will strengthen if people perceive that with its existence, their lives will improve,” he added.

He stressed the need for a consensus among the political parties for a constitutional amendment that bound the provincial governments to hold local government polls within a 90-day limit.

Former Federal Board of Revenue (FBR) chairman Shabbar Zaidi was of the view that the 18th amendment was aimed at cutting the size of the government at the centre and devolving power to the lower tiers. However, he lamented that the full objective of the amendment had not been fully realised yet.

He said the political parties had been unable to explain to the public what they had achieved through the 18th Amendment and NFC award.

“One institution significantly meddles in the country’s political and economic affairs,” he went on. Naming names, he said: “If the role of the military is reduced, the federation will strengthen. Unfortunately, politicians often prefer to come to power with the backing of the military.”

He said the provinces first received their share from the divisible pool, after which came the two major expenditures: interest costs and military expenditures.

“We should realise that the 18th amendment and NFC award have strengthened the federation by placing a check on military expenditure, which many people don’t like. We need to keep a check on military spending because we cannot afford it,” he asserted.

The ex-FBR head highlighted that the Article 140-A called for providing financial autonomy to local bodies but unfortunately, none of its clauses had been implemented as the provinces had got financial autonomy but the districts had not.

He opined that institutions like the Special Investment Facilitation Council (SIFC) would derail the federation’s fundamental system. “Political leaders shied away from making big decisions because of fear of being sent behind bars or having to face NAB cases because the army was not part of those decisions. The SIFC was set up so if politicians take decisions, they won’t have to face NAB cases,” he said, admitting: “I also avoided signing contracts because I knew that I would have to face NAB.”

Economist Kaiser Bengali was of the view that the 18th Amendment had put an end to the nationalists and separatists’ politics in Sindh. “There are bound to be conflicts among political parties. If there aren’t any, something is wrong because all political parties represent particular interests. Politics involves reconciling conflicting interests, so conflict is inherent. If the ‘big brother’ withdraws its support, all politicians will sit together to make decisions and work in harmony,” he said.

“It is repeatedly said that political parties invite the army, but those who don’t fall in line disappear,” he remarked. He stated that neither was the constitution relevant for the people of Balochistan, nor were the 18th Amendment, federalism, provincial autonomy and the NFC. “Balochistan is a colony run with the power of gun,” he said.

“It is true that we are not on the brink of revolution, but revolution is an explosion, and opposition to that explosion is implosion, where the system collapses from within. We witness this implosion every day. In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Balochistan, there is armed resistance. Almost every day, we hear reports of military personnel being killed. If this isn’t a revolution, then what is it? There are parts of the country openly engaged in armed struggle against the state. In Balochistan, even high-ranking officers ask what they have to do with Pakistan. Emotional link with Pakistan has been broken,” Bengali lamented.

He said the battle lines had clearly been drawn as to whether this country would be governed under colonialism or it would thrive as a democracy.

About criticism that the fruits of the 18th Amendment had not reached to the grossroots level, he said there were two parallel power battles — one between the federation and the provinces and the other between the provinces and local governments. “First battle has been won and the next battle has to be won and just because the next battle is yet to be fought doesn’t mean that the first battle has to be discarded and discredited,” he emphasised.

Senior lawyer Faisal Siddiqui said, “the entire debate about democracy within political parties and local government is all distraction aimed to divert attention from the real debate: The struggle between de jure and de facto powers.”

He highlighted that four major changes had taken place in the country since 2008, which were the revival of the constitution, the revival of electoral democracy to some extent, the revival of judiciary and the growth of media.

“The military establishment’s de facto power has been trying since 2008 to reverse these changes. The real issue is that the establishment has been trying to control the democratic system because it cannot do what it had been doing previously. It can neither abrogate the constitution nor suspend it to bring massive amendments. These projects are over and part of dustbin.”

“From 2008 to 2017, there was the balance of power: a 50 per cent power-sharing between the de jure and de facto powers. However, after 2017, efforts had been made to shift towards 60-70 per cent de facto power. As a result, although there exists a constitution, it is not implemented. There is democracy, yet elections are not held free and fair. Media has seen growth, but it lacks freedom.”

He said the constitutional structures guaranteeing provincial autonomy were being subverted, and a supra-constitutional body had been established in the form of the SIFC, which lacked constitutional backing.

“The SIFC takes over the economic policy. The establishment that already had control over the country’s defence policy, internal security as well as the foreign policy but now it has taken over the economic policy as well.”