Hafiz Saeed and new narrative

It was just before 2013 general elections when at a meeting of Difa-e-Pakistan Council, JUI(S) chief Maulana Samiul Haq proposed converting the DPC into an electoral alliance of the religious parties, which could not be materialized due to reservations of Hafiz Saeed, chief of Jamaatud Daawa (JuD). In the aftermath of Operation Zarb-i-Azb and in the light of National Action Plan, the civil and military leadership is now working on a new narrative to bring jihadi outfits into mainstream electoral politics. 

Maulana Sami continued his efforts and at one stage he even tried to convince Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan during the negotiations prior to army operation in North Waziristan, but the TTP rejected the proposal unless army is not withdrawn from Waziristan. Sources said the JUI(S) chief is not active again and this time may get support from the civil and military leadership, as the authorities are working on major reforms on Fata. 

Similarly, zero tolerance policy now be enforced against all outlawed groups including sectarian and other terror networks, while those not banned would be given option to come into mainstream. Threefold strategy includes elimination of all local and global terror network bases in Pakistan, bringing jihadi outfits into electoral politics, and major economic reforms in Fata, Balochistan and Karachi. It reminded me of an interview with former Ameer Jamaat-e-Islami late Qazi Hussain Ahmad, in which he had addressed this issue in his typical style.

When asked why the JI did not actively participate in the war against US attack on Afghanistan as it did against the Soviet Union, he said, "In the last war, the state policy was for Jihad-e-Afghanistan and we provided support. The same was not the policy after 9/11." Late Lt. Gen Hameed Gul, former DG ISI, also agreed that "Jihad is state's responsibility." Pakistan's mainstream political parties including religious parties could be more effective in raising issues like Kashmir, as the ruling PML, PPP, PTI, besides religious parties like the JI and JUI, also have representation in the parliament. 

ISPR Director General Maj. Gen Asif Ghafoor, at his first major press briefing, had hinted that building or change in the narrative often takes time, and said due to the change, the whole nation now considered war against terrorism as 'our war.'

However, it may not be easy for someone like Hafiz Saeed or Jamaatud Daawa. In 2013, he had even rejected the request from other religious parties to allow his supporters to cast votes in favour of religious parties. Unlike Maulana Sufi Mohammad of Tehreek-e-Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi, who has disowned Constitution 1973, the JUD leader believes his party would be divided in case it joined electoral politics, as it is opposed to parliamentary form of government and, secondly, he also feared that the kind of support it’s getting from a cross section of society being non-political would also be affected, if it joined religious parties alliance. When contacted, a senior JUD leader said, “Yes, during the last elections and even before, some religious parties wanted that we joined mainstream politics. We have been approached again but at present it is premature as we first want that restriction be lifted.

When DG ISPR said, "The decision of Hafiz Saeed was taken by all the institutions, keeping the national interest in mind, it indicates that we are in the process of building new narrative. In the post 9/11 scenario, there had been changes in the policies and narrative, but the most difficult task in which both the government and the state looked confused is the fight against extremism and how to control it. The JUD is not the only Jihadi outfits which are against joining mainstream politics. There are some 6 to 8 such groups which even believe that electoral politics of parliamentary democracy is against the basic principle of Islamic system. 

However, Jamaat-e-Islami, which till the 60s had similar thinking and also got divided when it finally decided to bring the party in mainstream politics, supports parliamentary form of government, believes that change can come through elections. Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam, on the other hand, always believes in electoral politics and has more pragmatic approach. 

In the past, it maintained its working relations with secular parties even remained part of coalition during 1970s elections with National Awami Party in the 90s with PPP and at present with the PML-N. In the post-Afghan war against the Soviets, when thousands of Mujahideen including some 50,000 from different countries returned and wanted to go back, their respective countries refused to take them back and thus the burden came on Pakistan. 

On the one hand, it gave refuge to some five million Afghans, the biggest dilemma it faced were about the future of these 'Mujahideen.' Years later they become part of global jihad groups. In the post 9/11 scenario, the then establishment first banned sectarian outfits (a month before 9/11), followed by a ban on six jihadi outfits as well, which included Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad, too, besides Hizbut Tehrir. The government of former president Pervez Musharraf also forfeited their accounts and banned their publications. JUD and Hafiz Saeed disassociated himself from the LT after the ban and expanded its social welfare organisation. But with the passage of time, the JUD becomes the main and largest group of Jihad-e-Kashmir. 

Pakistan has taken the decision on Saeed and JUD in difficult circumstances, keeping the changing global scenario, particularly in the post-US elections and the kind of policy it feared could affect Pakistan's national interest. Therefore, keeping in view the global challenges and economic realities on the one hand and post-Operation Zarb-e-Azb scenario, on the other the new narrative against extremism, we may see some major reforms be included as part of National Action Plan. There will be no change in Pakistan's consistent policy towards Kashmir, political and moral support to Kashmiri freedom fighters. In fact, in the coming months, we may see a more active diplomatic initiative to pursue world for playing their role in resolving the outstanding issue of the Occupied Kashmir and stopped atrocities and violation of human rights. 

I know Hafiz Saeed for almost 25 years. He is very clear as far as Jihad-e-Kashmir is concerned, but has reservations over global terror networks. Since the rise of Daesh, the JUD has faced an uphill task and remains active in blocking its influence in Pakistan, for its own reasons as it feels that it would hurt the JUD the most. After giving sacrifices of 60,000 Pakistanis including thousands of soldiers, Pakistan now needs international support, as it has already cleared the mess created by the world superpower the United States, in both the wars. Now it’s time for the world to repay to Pakistan. 

  The writer is the senior columnist and analyst of GEO, The News and Jang. Twitter: @MazharAbbasGEO