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The Partition of India remains the most significant turning point in the history of the post-Partition nation states of India, Pakistan, and later, Bangladesh. This event irreversibly transformed the lives of people across the subcontinent. It made India a lasting grief for Pakistan, just as Pakistan became a lasting grief for India.
Much has been written about the role of high politics in orchestrating Partition. These narratives often portray it as a relatively smooth process, shaped by constitutional manoeuvring, parliamentary debates and negotiations among the towering leaders of the time. Some of the more recent scholarship has explored the mobilisational aspects of religious identity formation. Others have highlighted the human dimension of Partition, emphasising the widespread suffering endured during this prolonged and painful moment in history.
Muhammad Iqbal Chawla’s book, Mountbatten, Cabinet Mission and Provincial Boundaries: Insights and Controversies, is a notable addition to Partition studies, placing the last Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, at the centre of the narrative. Drawing on his research of the Mountbatten Papers at the University of Southampton, Chawla outlines Mountbatten’s trajectory during the World War II – from naval appointments to “special duties” that positioned him for strategic leadership. He had served first as Chief of Combined Operations and later as Supreme Allied Commander for South-East Asia. In the latter role, he gained valuable insight into the political complexities of the subcontinent.
Chawla argues that Mountbatten’s military training and temperament equipped him for his subsequent appointment as viceroy of India at a critical juncture in the region’s history.
Before departing for India, Mountbatten laid out certain preconditions: a clearly defined deadline for the withdrawal of the British Empire and full authority to negotiate the terms necessary for a peaceful transfer of power. The British Parliament granted him extraordinary plenipotentiary powers and tasked him with a complex mission – to unravel the intricate Hindu-Muslim dynamics and ensure a smooth and peaceful transition of British rule to Indian control, “all while safeguarding British interests.”
Mountbatten, the last viceroy of India arrived in Delhi in March 1947 with the goal of transferring power by June 1948. However, as communal riots escalated across north India and imperial control began to weaken, he advanced the timeline for British withdrawal to August 15, 1947.
By the end of April 1947, after a series of consultations with Indian political leaders, Mountbatten concluded that the only viable proposal capable of gaining agreement among the three main communities – Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs – was the partition of India at the central level, accompanied by the division of the Punjab and Bengal. This proposal became known as the June 3 Plan.
According to Chawla, Mountbatten harboured deep concerns about the implementation of the Two-Nation Theory, both centrally and provincially. “In the case of the Punjab, he concluded that its division was a logical consequence of Jinnah’s Two-Nation Theory,” writes Chawla.
Thus, albeit reluctantly, the Congress and Akali Dal leadership accepted the decision to partition India, resulting in the creation of Pakistan, along with the necessary division of the Punjab and Bengal.
However, the path to resolution was far from straightforward. Jawaharlal Nehru objected to an earlier version of the draft plan, which he believed might lead to the fragmentation of India. “Mountbatten, acting on intuition, shared this version with the Congress leader,” notes Chawla. Ultimately, the plan was revised to establish a clearer division between India and Pakistan. VP Menon played a key role in drafting the revised proposal, which laid the groundwork for the transfer of power and the Partition of the Indian subcontinent.
The June 3 Plan stipulated that the legislative assemblies of the Punjab and Bengal would each convene in two parts – one representing the Muslim-majority districts, and the other representing the remaining districts. Each section of the assembly would vote independently on whether to partition the province. If a simple majority supported partition, it would be carried out. Once the decision was made, both parts of the assembly would then determine, on behalf of their respective areas, whether to join the existing Constituent Assembly or form a new one.
Following these decisions, the governor-general would appoint a boundary commission to demarcate the borders in the Punjab, taking into account the contiguity of areas and the relative population of Muslims and non-Muslims. Similar provisions were made for the partition and boundary demarcation of Bengal.
The legislative assembly of Sindh (excluding its European members) would hold a special session to decide whether to join the existing Constituent Assembly or the new one. In the North-West Frontier Province, a referendum would be held, allowing the electorate to choose which Constituent Assembly to join. In Baluchistan, the decision would be made by the Shahi Jirga along with members of the Quetta municipality.
Chawla argues that all parties agreed to the plan in order to avert an imminent civil war. He challenges “the narratives regarding Mountbatten’s role as the ultimate viceroy of India,” noting that many Pakistani historians have cast Mountbatten as a convenient “culprit” to blame. This perception, he suggests, may stem from Mountbatten’s appointment as governor-general of India after Partition and his perceived role in the emergence of the Kashmir dispute.
Chawla also acknowledges that “Mountbatten stands out as one of the most contentious figures in the history of the freedom movement and the creation of Pakistan, primarily due to his perspectives and actions.”
As an eminent historian who has previously authored Wavell and the Dying Days of the Raj, Chawla brings considerable expertise to the politics of the final decade of British rule. This book is a valuable contribution for anyone interested in Partition studies – whether as a student, teacher, academic or general reader of South Asian history and politics.
Mountbatten, CabinetMission and Provincial Boundaries
Insights and Controversies
Author: Muhammad Iqbal Chawla
Publisher: Vanguard Books, 2024
Pages: 227
Price: Rs 3,145
The reviewer heads the History Department at University of Sargodha. He has worked as a research fellow at RoyalHolloway College, University of London.He can be reached atabrar.zahoorhotmail.com.His X handle: AbrarZahoor1