Elite capture

Prime Minister Imran Khan has once again said that Pakistan is in the grip of an ‘elite capture.’ In a recent TV interview, the prime minister further said that Pakistan had an ‘elite capture’, where a small minority has access to facilities and were taking advantage of the system.

“The elite class considers itself above the law. When NAB calls them, they say the country is ruined.” That is why the elite class has been in a cycle of trying to overthrow the government for the past two years,” he said.

In his tweet on the foundation day of the PTI on April 25, 2020, the prime minister said that “24 years ago today, PTI embarked on our mission of achieving our Quaid Jinnah’s vision for Pakistan as a modern Islamic welfare state. To achieve this we had to achieve the following: 1. Rule of Law where all are equal before the law & the powerful are brought under the law.

“2. Break the stranglehold of the elite capture of our state & of our nation’s resources; & redistribute these resources more equitably in order to lift our poor out of poverty. Ours has been a long & arduous struggle – more than any other political party.”

One can hardly disagree with Prime Minister Imran Khan on his thoughts on the welfare state, rule of law and elite capture. But the question is how to end the elite capture. Certain policies and measures are needed to break this elite capture. National reconstruction and democratisation of the colonial state, and economic and social structure is necessary to break the power of the elite.

The PTI government does not seem interested in carrying out such measures and reforms to decolonise and democratise the state apparatus, and the economic and political structure.

This government is not the government of workers, peasants and poor sections of the population, the real victims of this elite capture of power and economy. The government is dominated by the powerful elite. They continue to make almost all the most important decisions and policies and their trusted representatives are sitting in the cabinet and other important positions.

The increased participation of more politically conscious layers of the working class and the middle class in the political system and decision-making at different levels is necessary. Breaking this capture will require a radical restructuring of political and economic institutions.

One must remember that an organised working class movement and radical layers of the middle class played a leading role in the formation of welfare states after the Second World War in many European countries. Strong trade unions, peasant and youth movements, women rights movements, social movements are necessary to exert pressure on the elite to give way to reforms.

Unfortunately, trade unions and peasant movements are weak, disoriented and fractured at the moment. The ruling elite has constantly targeted organised working class movements over the years and significantly weakened it. PTI government is pursuing the same policy.

A well organised left leaning political party and radical leadership is needed to carry through the task of the transformation of state, economy and society. This party must have a radical programme of progressive transformation. Unfortunately, no such party exists in Pakistan at the moment. The PTI is a rightwing party of the status quo.

A weak state may be the most prone to be captured by interest groups or even by strong individuals. A relatively strong, democratic, institutionalised state is therefore necessary in order to avoid state capture.

An institutionalised party system also may be important, for where parties are weak, traditional forms of elite interaction tend to prevail, enabling elites to capture the political parties and state apparatus. The elite use wealth, and economic and political power to keep the status quo. The status quo is necessary to continue the elite capture of power.

Elites constitute a unique social group defined by their disproportionate control over resources – be they economic, political, cultural – and their ability to translate those resources into power, influence and other forms of capital.

One can also identify some misconceptions in the thoughts of the prime minister. One misconception is about the elite. The different dominating sections of ruling classes form the elite.

Generally speaking, the Pakistani elite consists of the civil and military bureaucracy, feudals, tribal chiefs, industrialists, business tycoons including real-estate developers, owners of big chains of private schools, colleges and universities, private hospitals, media, bankers top executives of multinational and national companies and religious-political leaders.

When the very concept of ‘elite’ is confined to two or three political families or leaders, it becomes problematic. For PTI leaders including PM Imran Khan, the elite in Pakistan is just the Sharif and Bhutto/Zardari family. This is an over simplification of a complex issue. I am saying it is problematic because instead of going after the elite as a whole, one group or section of elite has beentargeted, while the rest of the elite continue to flourish.

It is an uphill task – going after the most powerful elements of elite. It needs a radical approach of restructuring the state, and the economic and political systems.

In identifying the elite, he directed his guns towards his political opponents and blamed them squarely for all the troubles that beset the country.

There is no doubt that the tiny but powerful elite resists every effort to bring change and meaningful reform in the state and economic structure. The elite consider the radical ideas of reforms against its class interests.

Many people who voted for the PTI in the 2018 general elections, including young people, wanted to bring a change to an inefficient and unjust system. They wanted to see an end to elite capture. However, to actually get into power, it found it needed to make compromises and ended up hostage to a clutch of rich and powerful elites.

The writer is a freelance journalist.