New wars, old enemies

The landscape of militancy in Pakistan has transformed both technologically and operationally

By Iftikhar Firdous
|
August 10, 2025


A

s Pakistan nears its Independence Day, the nation stands at a critical crossroads, shaped by resilience and challenged by global transformations, particularly at the intersection of technology and politics. The global order is shifting from a unipolar world to one that is loosely multipolar, where the United States will likely retain its dominance and emerging powers will increasingly exert their influence. The domino effect will extend to regional and local arenas, including in Pakistan.

Amidst the shifting dynamics, Pakistan still faces the resurgence of a new phase of militancy and terrorism, which has escalated significantly following the Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan.

The scourge of terrorism has claimed tens of thousands of lives, from security personnel to innocent civilians. It has disrupted communities, crippled economic progress and deeply complicated Pakistan’s internal security landscape.

According to data compiled by The Khorasan Diary, July 2025 alone witnessed the killing of 61 law enforcement personnel; 89 others were injured in militancy-related incidents. Importantly, civilians have borne the brunt of this violence as well. As per official statistics, 67 civilians were killed and another 89 injured, illustrating the broadening scope of the conflict beyond state targets.

The landscape of militancy in Pakistan has transformed both technologically and operationally. The conflict once defined primarily by suicide bombings has evolved with the introduction of modern technologies. Today the militant outfits are no longer limited to conventional tactics; instead, they have adopted innovative strategies and reorganised their structures to maximise their impact.

The Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan, founded in 2007 with support from Al Qaeda, has undergone a significant transformation under the leadership of Mufti Noor Wali Mehsud. Since assuming leadership, Noor Wali has turned the group from a loosely-knit entity into a more organised, centralised and hierarchical entity with a quasi-governance structure. This reorganisation has brought the TTP several advantages: it has streamlined their operations; increased internal cohesion and reduced internal rifts.

Moreover, the TTP has consistently financed its activities through extortion, kidnapping for ransom and other criminal enterprises. This financial stability was evident in May 2025, when Noor Wali issued a series of videos announcing a pause in new recruitments, suggesting the group’s operational capacity did not require fresh inductees.

Also, the threat landscape is no longer defined by the TTP alone. New militant groups have emerged. One of the most prominent is the Ittehad Mujahideen Pakistan, a coalition comprising Hafiz Gul Bahadur’s faction, Lashkar-i-Islam and Harkat-i-Inqilab-i-Islami Pakistan. This alliance has expanded its footprint beyond its traditional strongholds in Khyber, Bannu and Waziristan to include Orakzai, Lakki Marwat and Peshawar.

A particularly alarming development has been the group’s deployment of weaponised drones. These DJI quadcopters, rigged with explosives, are flown over checkpoints and compounds of security forces, enabling remote attacks that reduce militant casualties while increasing precision. This tactic reflects a revolutionary shift in the operational style of militant groups in Pakistan, posing new challenges to conventional security frameworks.

Meanwhile, in Balochistan, ethno-nationalist insurgent groups have escalated their activities with similarly evolving tactics. Where once their operations were confined to attacks on check-posts and convoys, they have now progressed to hijacking trains, targeting passenger buses and establishing temporary check-posts along highways to identify and abduct specific individuals.

On July 10, the Balochistan Liberation Front launched a new campaign, Operation Baam (Dawn). Although the operation lasted only one day, the group attacked key installations, targeting infrastructure and asserting presence across key roadways, plunging the region into temporary instability and demonstrating its enhanced operational reach.

The confluence of local grievances and the failure of local governance, has exacerbated popular resentment, particularly in Balochistan and newly merged districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. A crisis of trust is brewing between the citizens and the state. This became more pronounced when, over the last two weeks, disgruntled communities in Khyber and Bajaur unilaterally decided to hold jirgas with militants, devising mechanisms to mitigate threats from militancy.

In essence, as Pakistan marks another year of independence, it is clear that the militants have not only survived but evolved. Today, militants are networked, adapting and technologically savvy.

This complex network of threats stemming from militancy should not be confined to the contours of traditional counter terrorism strategies. Instead, this requires that the government rethink and devise modern, multi-dimensional strategies to approach the problem in a more effective manner.

Local communities are the resource through which the state can effectively mitigate the scourge of militancy. A bottom-up approach is needed to not only bridge the trust crises between the state and the society but also solve the militancy problem.

A failure to adapt risks allowing militancy to become a permanent threat in Pakistan’s security landscape. On this Independence Day, the call to action is clear. If Pakistan is to protect its sovereignty, stability and the economic prospects of the future generations, it must match innovation with resolve and reform.


The writer is the editor of The Khorasan Diary. He can be reached on X iftikharfirdous.