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he political scene in Pakistan is extremely complicated. It is marked with partisan turmoil, economic challenges, security concerns and an unstable situation for the Executive and the Legislature. The politics is characterised by a lack of transparency, persecution of political leaders, suppression of political parties, point scoring and use of derogatory language against political opponents. The political environment can be likened to a messy playground, where all players, especially the more powerful ones, follow their own set of rules.
There are many causes and ideologies. According to the Election Commission of Pakistan, there are 166 registered parties. The most popular parties include Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf, which is a centre-right party; the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, which is a centrist party considered by many as centre-right; and the Pakistan Peoples Party, which is a centre-left party. Furthermore, regional parties like the Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Pakistan, and the ethnic Pashtun nationalist and centre-left party Awami National Party have considerably large and loyal constituencies. The so-called religious parties, such as the Jamaat-i-Islami and the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam, are mostly right-wing. However, most of these have parties have recently deviated from their founding ideologies.
The larger parties appear mostly to fail to comprehend the problems facing the people and the society. They pay little attention to the problems of the ordinary voter. The PPP and the PML-N, who have been in power, are accused of doing nothing meaningful to improve the lives of the people. The Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf unveiled a fascinating manifesto for the 2018 general elections, promising to deliver everything the two had failed to. Many believed the PTI and the party was able to form governments at the Centre and in key provinces. However, during its three-year reign, the party failed to address the problems of the common man. In the end, Imran Khan was ousted through a vote of no confidence. His government had failed to fulfil the promise of a Naya Pakistan. Following his ouster, he revived its popularity with an anti-establishment stance. The campaign gained greater momentum when he was arrested.
Whether Pakistan needs a new political party or whether it can even accommodate one is a complex subject. Despite a small number of major political parties dominating the current political landscape, there is a continuing need for increased representation and a desire for parties that better meet the needs of the people. The capacity of a new party to overcome these obstacles and present an appealing vision and ideology will determine whether it can establish a presence in the current political system.
Recently, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Jr, a grandson of the founder of the Pakistan Peoples Party, has announced his decision to form a new political party aimed at protecting the rights of farmers, among others.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Jr is the son of late Mir Murtaza Bhutto, who founded the Pakistan Peoples Party-Shaheed Bhutto in 1993. Ghinwa Bhutto, Mir Murtaza’s widow, is its current chairperson.
During a news conference held at the Lahore Press Club, Bhutto Jr said that his party’s main goal was to promote and represent the large agricultural community. He also said that the PPP had not succeeded in putting Bhutto-ism into practice and declared that his party would live by the principles set by his grandfather. He urged for the implementation of measures intended for the well-being of farmers and labourers and strongly opposed the federal government’s Green Pakistan initiative.
While there has been no announcement regarding the party’s name, questions relating to his claim over the PPP legacy, are being raised once again. In a recent interview, Bhutto Jr said that his father had resisted the dictatorship and was disowned even by the PPP.
Only time will tell whether Bhutto Jr sticks to his promise of fundamental reform. Even the best formulated political manifestos require zeal and effective organisational structures.
Mazhar Abbas, author of The Aftermath of the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971: Enduring Impact (Routledge, 2024), has a PhD in history from Shanghai University. He is a lecturer at GCU, Faisalabad, and a research fellow at PIDE, Islamabad. He can be reached at mazharabbasgondal87gmail.com. His X handle is MazharGondal87.
Muhammad Yasin Shafique is an MPhil student in history and a research fellow at GCU, Faisalabad. He can be reached at yasincheema92gmail.com.