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he Punjab, the land of five rivers, has often faced accusations of hegemonic tendency from other provinces and regions. As a result, there have been calls for partitioning the Punjab into Punjab and South Punjab. The Seraiki-speaking population has been particularly vocal in advocating for this partition, citing linguistic differences and disputes over resource distribution, especially about central Punjab, which Lahore primarily represents.
Notably, those supporting the partition of the Punjab generally oppose similar partitions in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Balochistan and Sindh, despite the presence of distinct ethnic and linguistic communities in these provinces. For example, a dialect of Punjabi is widely spoken in parts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Pashtu speakers make up a significant portion of Balochistan’s population. Similarly there are about one million Seraiki speakers in northern Sindh; and Urdu is the mother tongue of about 12.409 million people in Sindh, primarily concentrated in urban areas.
The partition of the Punjab based on language and/ or ethnicity may not effectively address the issues faced by the non-elites and Pashtuns, Sindhis, Seraiki, Balochi, Urdu speakers. It could potentially worsen their current situation. On the other hand, partition of the Punjab as well as other provinces on administrative grounds - concerning service delivery - might improve conditions for the impoverished population throughout the country, regardless of ethnicity and/or language.
Despite that, the partition of the Punjab has been a topic of significant discussion, with proponents arguing for its necessity. Historically, the partition of a territory has not necessarily resolved the issues faced by its inhabitants or those in neighbouring regions. If such partitions effectively solved these problems, the Punjab might have emerged as one of the world’s most developed areas.
The Punjab holds the distinction of being one of the most partitioned regions in the world. Throughout its history, the region has experienced several divisions. Before Alexander invaded the region, it was divided into several territories, of those ruled by Raja Porus and Raja Ambhi. During the Ghaznavid incursions in the late 10th and early 11th Centuries, it was divided, with the Hindu Shahis governing the northwestern part. The Delhi Sultanate divided the Punjab into defence lines or buffer zones to protect against frequent Mongol attacks. Under the Great Mughals, the Punjab was segmented into three provinces: Sirhind, Lahore and Multan. During the Later Mughal era, the region became a battleground for the Mughals, Afghans and Sikhs.
Maharaja Ranjit Singh, leader of the Sukerchakia misl, unified the Punjab for the first time. After he captured Lahore in 1799, he was declared its governor by Zaman Shah. Ranjit Singh later refused to recognise the authority of the Afghan king and proclaimed himself Maharaja of the Punjab in 1801. He ruled the kingdom until his death in 1839. His kingdom extended from the Indus River in the west to the Sutlej River in the east, and from Kashmir in the north to Thar in the south.
Within 10 years of Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s death, the British East India Company took control of the Punjab in 1849. The first partition of the Punjab occurred in 1901 under the orders of Lord Curzon, the then Viceroy of India. This partition led to the establishment of the North West Frontier Province, now known as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, which consisted of five districts and five agencies. Additionally, Delhi was taken away to serve as the new capital. The remaining area of the Punjab became a new province.
The second partition of the Punjab took place in the summer of 1947, resulting in the division of the region into Charrhda (Eastern or Indian) Punjab and Lehnda (Western or Pakistani) Punjab. This partition established an international border and led to significant demographic changes. Between 10 and 15 million people migrated across the newly drawn boundary. It is estimated that between 1 and 2 million people lost their lives during this period and that around 75,000 women experienced sexual violence.
The third partition of the Punjab occurred in 1966, along linguistic lines. The state of the Punjab, as constituted in 1956, was divided into three regions: the predominantly Hindi-speaking area became the present-day Indian state of Haryana; the predominantly Punjabi-speaking area became the present-day Punjab. Additionally, a new union territory, Chandigarh, was established to serve as the capital for both states. Certain former Patiala and East Punjab States Union areas, including Solan and Nalagarh, were transferred to Himachal Pradesh.
Efforts are under way to pursue a fourth partition of the Punjab into south Punjab and the Punjab. The call for this new province arises from economic, political and cultural concerns of the local population in south Punjab. In addition, according to the 2023 census, the Punjab’s population is approximately 127.7 million, making it the 11th most populous entity globally if considered an independent country. The proponents of geographical and administrative reorganisation argue that effectively delivering civic services to such a large population is impossible without partitioning the province. Borrowing this argument, India should have divided Uttar Pradesh—its most populous state, with around 241 million residents—into five to ten parts.
Calls for partition should prioritise service delivery principles over considerations of population, geography, language or ethnicity. A division of the Punjab based on linguistic or ethnic lines will ultimately serve neither the ordinary Seraikis nor the Punjabis. It is essential to recognise that it is not the ordinary Punjabis, but the elites from the Punjab and other provinces and ethnic communities, who have appropriated resources, leaving behind large impoverished communities. The non-elites must initiate a class struggle against the elites. They must realign their focus before it is too late.
Mazhar Abbas, author of The Aftermath of the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971: Enduring Impact (Routledge, 2024), has a PhD in history from Shanghai University. He is a lecturer at GCU, Faisalabad, and a research fellow at PIDE,Islamabad.He can be contacted atmazharabbasgondal87gmail.com.His X-handle isMazharGondal87