Karachi, once known as hub of political, cultural, literary and economic activities till early 80s, is now often highlighted by the media for Bhola (Baldia factory fire) or Baba Ladla (Lyari gang war).
In 35 years, the city became hub of drugs, arms, underworld, which also led to criminalization of politics. Is the city on its way to decriminalization and return to good old days or it may see a new wave of terror? Indicators are good but apprehensions are there as we are still far from making the police apolitical and professional and improving the local government system. The city, in the last three decades, witnessed all shades of criminals and terrorists and provided safe havens for local and global terror networks. That’s why it is mostly focused by the media for all the bad reasons. Now promises are being made to cleanse the city from crime and terror, rebuild roads, revive circular railway, build motorway and run mass-transit system. With over 7,000 Kutchi Abadis, four million aliens and land and political mafias, it looks a herculean task.
One wonders whether the news of the killing of Noor Mohammad alias Baba Ladla, allegedly known as the most brutal killer, be seen as the end of the dark days of Karachi and a major success of the three-year-old Karachi operation or there are still some 'ifs and buts’? Though the law-enforcement agencies, particularly Rangers, have every right to take the credit for this operation and killing of Ladla, one still needs to analyze the making of criminals like Ladla or for that matter Rehman Dakait, Arshad Papur (both killed) and the under-trial Uzair Baloch, in the changing political dynamics of this city.
The killing of these alleged criminals is certainly big news but what action had been taken against those police and intelligence officials who were regular visitors to their dens? Why is there complete silence over the role of political characters who used these criminals for their interests?
As a witness to the changing scenarios of this city, I have little doubt that former military dictator Gen Ziaul Haq had not only destroyed the political and cultural dynamics of Karachi but also of Pakistan. Most of these characters of Lyari, some of them now known as 'gangsters', were once part of mainstream politics or sportsmen employed by government departments, thanks to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto who opened employment to them in Pakistan or abroad. Despite complete censorship, I still remember the stories how the outskirts of Karachi like Sohrab Goth near Super Highway became a dump for arms and drugs and abode for Afghans.
Karachi never saw national political movements after Ayub Khan and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. The city's character started changing with mushroom growth of Kutchi Abadis and influx of foreigners. It also saw a proxy war in the post-Iranian revolution with clashes between Mujahideen Khalq and Pasdaran. Zia's policies divided the society on ethnic and sectarian lines and from 1985 to 2016, over 30,000 people were killed as no one took the ownership of this city but all took their economic share by branding it as ‘mini-Pakistan'.
If, on the one hand, the making of the MQM is blamed on Gen Zia, the party’s rise and popularity is also seen as a reaction to 'injustices' with Muhajirs. Though the MQM got an unprecedented electoral support, which no party ever got in urban Sindh, its alleged militancy and criminalization badly damaged its politics and made Muhajirs suspects rather than victims.
Similarly, Lyari was one rare part of the city, which showed political resistance against Zia. The people of Lyari took Bhutto's hanging as their personal loss as many believed he was the only ruler who did something to uplift their class character by asking them to make passports and opening job opportunities for them. Lyari reacted in a different way as some people took the hardline and joined the Al-Zulfiqar Organisation (AZO) formed to take revenge for Bhutto's hanging while others resorted to street agitation. Some Lyari boys like Nasir Baloch and Ayaz Samoo went to the gallows and many political activists like Ali Sunnara joined hands with the late Mir Murtaza Bhutto when he formed the PPP (Shaheed Bhutto) after political differences with her sister Benazir Bhutto.
BB, who was not very fond of AZO unlike her mother Begum Nusrat Bhutto, asked all PPP workers linked with the AZO to abandon militancy and disassociate themselves from Murtaza if they wanted to remain part of the PPP. Thus, BB never backed any group of Lyari gang war and Peoples Amn Committee which was formed due to PPP's internal differences in Lyari. One of the biggest disservice which former president Asif Ali Zardari did to the PPP in the post-Benazir Bhutto era was his decision to allegedly 'own' Lyari gang war when former Sindh home minister Dr Zulfiqar Mirza publicly backed Uzair Baloch in a bid to counter MQM militancy. This not only led to depoliticization of Lyari but also of PPP.
By making Uzair ‘king of Lyari’, the PPP practically handed over the most politicized wing of the party to his alleged criminal gang and, as a result, the real political workers took backseats and those allegedly linked with Baloch not only got party tickets but also prominent role in the party.
With the killing of Ladla, the decades-old Lyari gang war is near its end but one still awaits the final fate of Uzair Baloch who could still be used as a trump card. He might be used as a key witness to high-profile political crimes. Mystery still revolves around Uzair Baloch’s arrest, investigations and JIT as he has provided all details linked to 'crime and politics' with reference to the last one decade.
Now, whether the establishment wants to use and protect Uzair Baloch as a witness to crimes and politics or wants to get rid of him is still not known? With the Karachi operation, it is apparently clear that the state has taken the decision to delink militancy with politics. One only hopes that some quarters should not use militancy against politics. With the operation against militancy of outlawed sectarian and global terror networks followed by action against political parties’ militant wings, there are indications of change in the overall 'narrative' of the state towards militancy and extremism. One can hope to see Karachi back as political and cultural hub instead of centre of militancy.
The writer is a senior columnist and analyst of the Geo News, The News and daily Jang.
Twitter: MazharAbbasGEO.