Islamabad : When the very fabric of society is twisted to normalise and enforce corruption, the consequences are dire and far-reaching. Imagine a world where individuals, irrespective of their standing, are forced to capitulate to graft; where the pursuit of justice is not predicated on truth, but on social status.
Consider a scenario where police stations, meant to be bastions of safety and order, devolve into bustling marketplaces. Officers, once guardians of the law, transform into opportunistic traders. In such an environment, the oppressed find themselves utterly disenfranchised, unable to access the very institutions designed to protect them, while their tormentors are afforded the deference of VIPs. The innocent, brutalised by criminal mafias, are paradoxically treated as terrorists, their pleas ignored, their suffering compounded. The alarming power to reclassify grave offenses as minor infractions rests solely with the Station House Officer, making a mockery of accountability and due process.
The decay extends to the judiciary, where courts are stripped of their sanctity, becoming mere facades. Justice, in essence, is peddled through the hands of clerks, assistants, and readers. Criminal and land mafias, wielding the immense power of their illicit wealth, hold sway over proceedings, their influence unchecked and pervasive.
Further compounding this systemic rot are figures like the Patwaris, land record officers who operate with the impunity of rulers in an ‘independent state,’ seemingly beyond the reach of state authority. They enforce an arbitrary system of illegal charges for land transfers in both urban and suburban areas—openly referred to as bribes. These illicit payments, ranging from a thousand to a staggering one and a half lakh rupees, are a prerequisite for any land transaction. Without succumbing to this extortion, no one possesses the authority or the courage to complete a land transfer, effectively holding property rights hostage to corruption.
This pervasive legalization and enforcement of corruption dismantle the foundations of a just society, leaving its citizens vulnerable and without recourse. A sinister whisper echoes through the hallowed halls of public service, a narrative spun by the corruption mafia itself. They feign helplessness, claiming their ill-gotten gains are but a trickle in a torrent, distributed from the lowest echelons to the highest pinnacles of power. With audacious confidence, they assert that the ‘blessings’ of those at the top cultivate a flourishing marketplace of bribery, expanding relentlessly, day and night, within every government institution.
Tragically, this narrative often finds fertile ground in public perception. The smooth, unimpeded flow of illicit payments, regardless of rank, lends a chilling credibility to their claims. From the humble peon to the venerable head of an institution, all seem to sink silently into a swamp of moral decay. The fleeting intoxication of a luxurious lifestyle lures them, and heartbreakingly, their children, toward an inferno of consequences.
The existence of a nexus where nefarious actors ‘feed’ police and other public-dealing departments, from top to bottom, is a deeply concerning and, sadly, often acknowledged reality. It represents a fundamental and catastrophic breakdown of law enforcement's core mandate. While rebuilding trust and establishing genuine peace in such a scenario would ideally demand a systemic and multi-faceted strategy from police authorities, the grim truth often suggests the situation may be beyond recovery.
The tentacles of corruption often take root at the police station level, firmly gripping Investigation Officers (IOs), Moharrars, and Naib Moharrars. These individuals wield disproportionate influence, often perceived as un-transferable and irremovable, clinging to their posts for unconscionable durations.
Experts frequently propose a straightforward remedy, fixed tenures of one, or at most two years, for at least two key posts to significantly diminish corruption at the police station level. Yet, those entrenched in the "top to bottom" flow of corruption dismiss such "methods." Their focus remains on the "easy way," a direct conduit for collecting colossal sums to be "distributed" as "shares" among their "tops." They might superficially suggest proper training for Moharrars and Naib Moharrars to curb the alarming rise in corruption and eradicate internal sleaze, but these are often smokescreens.
Anti-corruption advocates strongly recommend the establishment of a truly independent body, armed with the authority and resources to investigate and prosecute corruption within the police force, entirely free from internal influence. This body would need both genuine power and unwavering public trust. However, a crucial question looms; why would authorities, actively perpetuating such a corrupt system to amass illicit gains, ever embrace such a suggestion?