Pak-Saudi defence pact: Time to focus on economy

By Shakeel Ahmad Ramay
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September 22, 2025
A labourer bends over as he carries packs of textile fabric on his back to deliver to a nearby shop in a market in Karachi on June 24, 2022. — Reuters

Operation Bunyan Marsoos (OBM), Pakistan’s armed forces, defended the nation with bravery, creating new stories of heroism. The success of OBM not only shifted regional dynamics, but also influenced global affairs. Pakistan has emerged as a formidable military power, demonstrating its will and capability to defend itself and defeat its adversaries, regardless of their size or strength. The signing of Pakistan-Saudi Arabia Defence Pact recognises and reinforces this point. Thus, the pact is a major achievement of OBM.

The agreement will change the entire dynamics in both regions and beyond. This has raised Pakistan’s profile, and the world now sees Pakistan as a potential security stabiliser for Middle East, especially for GCC. For Pakistan, it will act as a deterrent against India, prompting India to think twice before attacking Pakistan. If India attacks Pakistan or engages in any misadventure, it will have to face both Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. Can India afford to be an enemy of Saudi Arabia when it has extensive economic interests there? Saudi Arabia has invested billions in India and millions of Indians live and work there.

This provides Pakistan with the space to focus on its other issues, especially the economy. However, to focus on the economy, Pakistan needs to learn from Operation Bunyan Marsoos, defence and changing global dynamics.

First, Bunyan Marsoos and the defence pact emphasise there is no substitute for merit and professionalism. It means putting the right institutions in the right position and the right person in the right job. Pakistan won the war with India because the job at hand was led by right institutions, namely military and Air Force, which professionals, including Chief of Army Staff and Air Chief Marshal led.

Now, imagine, after the break of war, if Pakistan decided to create ad hoc institutions or hire foreign professionals for war, then what would be the result? Could Pakistan win this war? Would the world be calling us to sign the defence pact? Second, ad hoc arrangements, policies or institutions cannot fulfil the purpose. There is a need for continuity through strong, permanent institutions and constitutional support. For example, Pakistan established a permanent agency to develop its own nuclear system and missile capabilities. As a result, Pakistan is recognised as a bona fide nuclear and missile power. Pakistan Air Force is another example; it consistently invests in its human resources, encouraging personnel to acquire new skills, pursue higher education abroad and explore new fields of R&D. This has led to highly qualified personnel capable of developing and applying new technologies, as well as designing and producing fighter jets.

Besides all other factors, these efforts enhanced Pakistan’s image as a military power and led to signing of first mutual defence pact. Undoubtedly, this will inspire other countries to establish similar arrangements or other types of defence agreements with Pakistan.

In the context of global dynamics, liberal economic model is struggling and new economic models are emerging. China serves as a prime example, having developed its own development models. With the successful implementation of a homegrown approach, China has become the world’s second-largest economy and is challenging United States for the top spot.

Now, let’s examine Pakistan’s economic sector. Pakistan mostly manages its economy through ad hoc arrangements, lacking solid institutional frameworks and proper planning. There are two prominent examples to support this point. First, Pakistan established CPEC Authority. It was necessary to streamline and accelerate the implementation of CPEC projects.

However, CPEC authority was created without any institutional support or authority. Furthermore, it was bogged down in bureaucracy and dominated by Army personnel who had little to no experience in managing economic initiatives. Instead of addressing the problems and offering institutional support, the current government chooses to roll back the initiative.

The latest example is Special Investment Facilitation Council (SIFC). It was a timely and necessary step given the business environment and economic situation. Pakistan needed an institution that could tackle business challenges, develop solutions for the economy, suggest a way forward and implement those solutions to boost the economy. Therefore, the initiative was well-received. However, the structure of SIFC, it’s staffing and its scope evokes memories of CPEC Authority. SIFC lacks any constitutional or legal power to make or enforce decisions. It functions as a facilitation centre, nothing more. It is not a constitutional body or institution that can be easily dissolved, like the CPEC Authority. Its staffing closely mirrors that of CPEC Authority.

The only difference is that the Prime Minister leads it, and Chief of the Army sits there. SIFC derives all its power from the presence of Prime Minister and Army Chief. However, this is not enough to attract the investment. Investors and businesspeople seek long-term and sustainable solutions. They plan and make decisions for the next 50 years or more, not just 5 or 10. They worry when the government changes or a new Army Chief takes over, what will happen to SIFC? What will become of the guarantees that SIFC offers to investors and businesspeople? Will the new government and Army Chief continue SIFC’s policies and interventions?

In this context, if the government truly wants SIFC to succeed, it must take a few actions. First, provide SIFC constitutional support. Second, grant the authority to make and execute decisions. Third, bring in professionals and reduce bureaucratic interference and the staffing of army personnel.

Aside from SIFC, government should take additional steps to revive the economy. Develop its own growth model based on Islamic principles, as outlined by Quaid-e-Azam. Reform the bureaucratic system to make it more efficient and supportive of investment. Incorporate economic professionals, economists, engineers, technicians and skilled workers, and allow them to do their work without interference. Rely on indigenous wisdom and reduce dependence on expatriates. Establish our own institutions to formulate policies and gradually decrease, then eliminate, the role of expatriates and foreign institutions.

What made Pakistan a formidable military power, win the war with India and secure a defence pact? It is professionalism, strong constitutional institutions, merit and continuity of policies.

Unfortunately, Pakistan’s economic management is on the opposite path, characterised by several shortcomings, including ad hoc management, inadequate institutional arrangements, lack of proper planning and lack of continuity in policies. By addressing these issues, Pakistan could attract significant investments from Saudi Arabia and Arab countries, which collectively hold trillions of dollars in investment funds. Moreover, Pakistan has a transformative economic opportunity through CPEC. To fully capitalise on these opportunities, Pakistan can learn from Operation Bunyan Marsoos and the defence pact how planning, professionalism and institutions play a role.

Finally, success in reviving the economy and steering Pakistan towards sustainable development will mark the start of a new era of prosperity. It will also help the country emerge as a major economic power alongside its military powers, which are essential for achieving the status of a global power. Therefore, both civilian and military institutions should collaborate to restore and advance the economy based on economic rationales.