In the face of daunting challenges and moments of exhaustion, I often remind myself of a quote I once read: ‘When you feel like quitting, remember why you started.’ If the reasons that drove me to begin a task in the first place still stir up passion within me, then I push forward and see it through to completion. It is this kind of motivation and sense of responsibility that we all need, particularly for Pakistan, a nation we inherited after numerous struggles and sacrifices of our leaders and ancestors.
Every 23rd March serves as more than just a day for celebration; it’s an opportunity to understand the essence, commitment, and ideology behind Pakistan Day. To achieve this, let’s delve into the challenges faced by the Muslims of India under British rule that led to the passing of the Pakistan Resolution on March 23, 1940, during the All-India Muslim League’s (AIML) annual session in Lahore.
Under Jinnah’s leadership, the resolution not only granted the Muslim League political legitimacy but also galvanised the movement that ultimately resulted in the creation of Pakistan in 1947.
Long before the British asserted control over the Indian subcontinent, Muslim rulers had established dominion over vast territories. Their empires stretched from the rugged terrain of the Hindu Kush to the fertile plains of the Indo-Gangetic region and eastward to Bengal. Among these rulers, the Mughal dynasty reigned supreme from 1526 to 1857.
However, with the gradual ascendancy of British power over nearly a century, significant changes occurred. The British implemented a new legal system (also known as Anglo-Mohammadan law) and replaced Urdu with English as the official language. These changes had a profound social, economic, and political impact on the Muslims of the subcontinent. For instance, (provide specific examples of social, economic or political consequences). The uprising of 1857, termed the ‘Indian Mutiny’ by the British and the ‘War of Independence’ by the Muslims, was a desperate attempt to reverse these adverse changes.
After the 1857 war, Muslims faced harsh consequences from the British, who suspected their wider involvement in the uprising. This led to confiscation of property, limited opportunities in areas like government service and education, and a shift in focus among some religious leaders who prioritised education within their communities. Despite these efforts by religious schools, Muslims felt ill-prepared for the future challenges of a rapidly changing India. Following this tumultuous period, the Indian National Congress emerged to provide political representation for the indigenous population of British India.
While the Congress claimed to represent all communities, its ranks were overwhelmingly Hindu, leaving Muslims feeling marginalised and underrepresented. This disparity had significant consequences. As the British opened the civil service to the native population, Hindus secured a dominant share of the postings.
Believing they had been disproportionately impacted by the aftermath of the 1857 uprising, India’s Muslim population was reluctant to adopt Western customs or take advantage of English educational opportunities. However, influential Muslims like Sir Syed Ahmad Khan recognised the growing power imbalance. He encouraged Muslims to seek European education and entry into the colonial civil service. Despite these efforts, Khan also realised that catching up to the Hindus, who had already embraced the British system to a greater extent, would be a significant challenge.
As British intentions to grant India greater autonomy began to crystallise, the question of Hindu-Muslim cooperation in governance became increasingly crucial. While both communities had initially adjusted to British rule, Hindus had more actively adapted to British customs and governance structures, leading to their greater political and economic advancement. This divergence in adaptation contributed to a growing sense of Hindu dominance and Muslim apprehension. In response to these concerns, the AIML was established in 1906 to advocate for the rights and interests of Indian Muslims. Mohammad Ali Jinnah, a prominent Muslim leader who had previously collaborated with the Congress, assumed leadership of the League, championing the cause of Muslim autonomy amidst the growing influence of Hindu nationalism.
Hindu-Muslim unity after the Lucknow Pact reached its peak during the Khilafat Movement. Although the movement ultimately failed to achieve its objectives, it had a lasting impact on the Muslims of South Asia. For the first time in a long time, they took united action on a pan-Islamic issue, fostering a sense of solidarity. The movement also served as a training ground, producing a new generation of Muslim leaders experienced in organizing and mobilising the public. This experience proved invaluable to figures like Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and others who would later play a crucial role in the Pakistan Movement.
The collapse of the Khilafat Movement was followed by a period of worsening Hindu-Muslim tensions. Hindu nationalist movements like the Shudhi and Sangathan emerged. The Shudhi movement aimed to convert Muslims to Hinduism, while the Sangathan focused on strengthening Hindu unity in the face of potential conflict. In response, Muslim organisations like Tabligh and Tanzim were formed to counter these efforts. The 1920s witnessed an unprecedented frequency of communal riots. Several Hindu-Muslim unity conferences were held to address the underlying causes, but those efforts had little impact on the rising tide of communalism.
In the early 20th century, Muslims in the subcontinent shifted their political focus, seeking to preserve their cultural and political power in areas where they were in the majority, like Punjab and Bengal. This included demands for a separate province of Sindh and reforms in the North-West Frontier Province.
The arrival of the Simon Commission, boycotted by some including Muslim leaders, further strained relations. The subsequent Nehru Report, perceived as biased against Muslim interests, bolstered calls for a separate Muslim state. This sentiment was echoed by Allama Muhammad Iqbal’s proposal and later crystallized in Chaudhry Rahmat Ali’s concept of Pakistan.
Meanwhile, Muhammad Ali Jinnah returned to Indian politics and began reorganising the Muslim League. Tensions rose as the Congress Party, focused on a united India, largely ignored Muslim concerns. Jinnah capitalised on this, uniting Muslims under the League’s banner. By the 1930s, the idea of a separate Muslim state gained significant traction among Muslims who increasingly saw themselves as a distinct community requiring self-determination within a defined geographical area. The policies of the Congress governments in Muslim-minority provinces during 1937-1939 further exacerbated this sentiment, solidifying the demand for a separate Muslim homeland.
The outbreak of World War II in 1939 significantly shifted the political landscape of India. With pressure from nationalist movements, particularly the Congress led by Mahatma Gandhi, the British government began contemplating relinquishing control. Meanwhile, the Muslim League, under Jinnah’s leadership, took a more cautious approach, aiming to secure Muslim interests amidst the evolving political scene.
In 1940, the AIML formally demanded a separate Muslim homeland through the Lahore Resolution, also known as the Pakistan Resolution. This pivotal moment in the subcontinent’s history marked a clear turning point, solidifying Muslim aspirations for an independent state.
With the end of the war and the change in government in Britain, the Labour Party under Clement Attlee prioritised decolonisation.
A Cabinet Mission, led by William Pethick-Lawrence, was dispatched to India in 1946 to facilitate the transfer of power to Indian leadership. However, negotiations between the Congress and the Muslim League deadlocked, primarily over the issue of a united versus a divided India. These failed negotiations ultimately led to the partition of British India and the creation of Pakistan in 1947.
The creation of Pakistan was only possible due to the visionary leadership of Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the tireless efforts of the Muslim League, and the pivotal passing of the Lahore Resolution in 1940. This resolution, adopted during a tumultuous period, solidified the Muslim League’s demand for a separate homeland. It is rightfully stated that without such dedicated leadership and a clear vision, we wouldn’t have a land to call our own.
As we reflect on the journey that led to the creation of Pakistan, it is essential to ponder upon the significance of having a separate homeland. Pakistan offers a unique space for its Muslim majority to practice their faith and traditions freely Unlike in India, where religious minorities often face discrimination and marginalisation, Pakistan strives to be a sanctuary where everyone can practice their faith, excluding some recent incidents of extremism.
In Pakistan, we cherish our Muslim majority as a core part of our national identity. It fosters a sense of shared values and traditions. Pakistan’s political system aims to ensure representation and opportunity for all. In India, dissent is met with censorship and repression, while Pakistan embraces diversity of thought and expression, nurturing a vibrant intellectual and artistic community. In our homeland, history is not rewritten to fit a narrow narrative but celebrated in all its complexity and richness. Unlike in India, where attempts are made to erase the past through city renaming and cultural appropriation, Pakistan embraces its heritage with pride and reverence.
Pakistan stands as a stark contrast to a country where top-tier Indian leadership reinforces the idea that the Hindutva objective is no longer a pipedream but a reality. It’s a land where Muslim, Dalit, and Christian voters have been the biggest casualties of the election. A place where special autonomous status is revoked, and the Citizenship Amendment Act was passed, excluding Muslims from their citizenship rights.
While the journey to fulfill Jinnah’s vision continues, Pakistan remains committed to providing its citizens with an equitable and secure space to practice their religion and contribute to society.
- Miss Mubeen Ashraf is a researcher at the Global Foundation for Cyber Studies and Research, Washington DC, USA. She can be reached at mubeen.0727gmail.com, and on ‘X’ formerly Twitter at mubeen_ashraf7