Year 2020: a round-up

December 27, 2020

All in all, 2020 brought grief and loss for a vast majority of Pakistanis

The year 2020 would be remembered mostly for the Covid-19 pandemic which did not leave any corner of the world unscathed. From the social vantage point it caused a decisive change in the life patterns of everybody without any exception. The affluent sections of society were as affected as the middle class and the poor.

In many cases, the greatest severity of the pandemic was manifested in the developed nations. Pakistan, too, was hit by the pandemic and as a result life came to a halt. Economic activity came to a standstill. Private businesses and industry stopped functioning because social distancing was the key to containing the pandemic. Restrictions on businesses had a catastrophic impact on the working class.

Prime Minister Imran Khan’s Ehsaas initiative had an ameliorative effect, relieving at least some pressure on the lower strata which had been hit the hardest. The virus was found to have reached Pakistan on February 26, when two cases were recorded (a student in Karachi who had just returned from Iran and another person in Islamabad ). By March 18, cases had been registered in all four provinces, the two autonomous territories and Islamabad. By 17 June, every district in Pakistan had recorded at least one confirmed case of Covid-19.

On March 24, the prime minister approved a Rs 1.2 trillion economic relief package. Of this, a total of Rs 150 billion was allotted for low-income groups, particularly labourers while an amount of Rs 280 billion was earmarked for wheat procurement. Payment of interest on loans for exporters was deferred temporarily, while a Rs 100 billion package was provided to support small industries and the agriculture sector. The federal cabinet reviewed and approved the economic relief package on March 31.

The Economic Coordination Committee (ECC) finalised the package, including a Rs 100 billion supplementary grant for an Emergency Relief Fund to combat the pandemic. It also approved a special package for relief to 12 million poor families through cash assistance under the Ehsaas Programme, where cash grants were approved under the Kafalat Programme. Emergency cash assistance was provided to the poor on the recommendation of the district administration.

At the outset of the pandemic’s first wave, from February onwards, the measures to counter its spread and prescriptions for mitigating its intensity gave rise to political factionalism. Whether to go for a complete lockdown or a partial (smart) lockdown remained a hotly contested issue between the government and the opposition. Sindh was completely locked down which proved counter-productive. The province of Sindh has recorded the most cases at about 134,000 and has also recorded the most deaths due to Covid-19, about 2,500 to date.

The country was put under a nationwide lockdown from April 1, which was extended twice until May 9. On March 24, Sindh and Balochistan ordered a lockdown that lasted until April 7, while Azad Kashmir went under it until April 13. The Punjab imposed a lockdown on March 24, but only until April 6. Upon its end, the lockdown was eased in phases. The pandemic took a heavy toll on human life. Mercifully, situation in the Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwah improved after loss of life at the initial stage. Balochistan and Gilgit-Baltistan, too, were spared the worst disaster.

The second wave of the pandemic is in full cry now. So far it has defied the controls applied by the government. The growing indifference and apathy of the general public towards the second wave of the pandemic is partially caused by the politics of agitation by the opposition alliance, the Pakistan Democratic Movement. The expectations that politicians would demonstrate a sense of responsibility were dashed to the ground when the alliance held public meetings one after the other. This was one among several factors that contributed to the significant rise in the death toll because of Covid-19.

Having said that, apathy towards the SOPs was not confined to Pakistan. Widespread protests against the wearing of masks in a disciplined society like Germany amazed many. But the public meetings of the PDM during the spike in Covid-19 in utter disregard for public safety highlighted a feature that defined this year: political polarisation.

Political polarisation is not unusual in Pakistan. The Liaqat-Suhrawardy tussle, Bhutto’s estrangement with his political adversaries and Benazir being a target of ridicule by Nawaz Sharif and his minions are well known. But the way the opposition has rallied against Imran Khan, berating him and hurling personal abuse at him, has taken hostility to an unprecedented level. Both parties appear to be in no mood for reconciliation.

The government’s relentless pursuit of inquiries into alleged corruption by opposition leaders has accentuated the animosity. This has led to the string of public meetings organised by the opposition parties despite the corona scare, which underscores the urgency among the ranks of anti-Imran elements to see his back as quickly as possible. His rivals might not have realised that Imran Khan tends to perform better under pressure. Here it ought to be highlighted that in developed democracies money laundering, tax evasion and telling a lie in public office are considered unforgivable sins.

In Pakistan, however, some of the people accused of these crimes continue to be hailed as popular leaders. Corruption is not a bane that a majority of the people in Pakistan seem to be bothered about. Politics and corruption coexist in such a comfortable embrace that Imran Khan’s condemnation of corruption seems an untenable proposition. Many commentators describe it as vendetta politics. His insistence on prosecution of those accused of corruption and money laundering has created a situation with no compromise in sight. Thus, the Pakistani state is the ultimate sufferer.

The second wave of the pandemic is in full cry now. So far it has defied the controls applied by the government. The growing indifference and apathy of the general public towards the second wave of the pandemic is partially caused by the politics of agitation by the opposition alliance, the Pakistan Democratic Movement. 

As a democratic polity Pakistan has yet to attain the level of maturity required in the role of the opposition. One can’t recall a single instance of the opposition accepting defeat and agreeing to act in a responsible manner. Instead of acting in accordance with the parliamentary norms, opposition parties in Pakistan resort to agitation and do all they can to hinder the government in conducting its business. No politician in Pakistan accepts the role of the opposition. None, with the sole exception of Benazir Bhutto, have had any inkling as to how they might contribute to strengthening democracy by playing a positive role in the opposition.

Thus far, the position of Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf is unassailable. Its victory in Gilgit-Baltistan has added to its strength. Imran’s decision to provisionally accord Gilgit-Baltistan the status of a province was a master stroke in political terms. He is the only sportsman of international stature to be elected the prime minister of his country. The sportsmen of such level know how to deal with pressure. They also like to play aggressively. Nobody in the opposition has such strong nerves. Nevertheless, the politics of agitation are likely to continue for another two months. Once the Senate elections are held, the wind would be gone from the opposition’s sails.

Another development worth mentioning with reference to Pakistan has been its foreign policy shift. The state seemed far more aggressive vis a vis India but more importantly it reviewed its relations with the Middle Eastern states. The point which tested the resolve of the Pakistani state was the pressure for ‘normalisation’ of relations with Israel. Equally important were Pakistan’s exhortations to the Arab states to join forces with it in condemning the Indian atrocities in Kashmir. Pakistan was visibly exasperated over the indifference of the OIC and clearly stated its intention to renew its relations with Iran, Malaysia and Turkey. That surprised countries like Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. For them such a posture was something they were not accustomed to. Maintaining a distance from America too has been the corner stone of the newly devised foreign policy of Pakistan. On the issue of Afghanistan, Pakistan has stated its position in clear terms. The US government was told several times not to expect Pakistan to go an extra mile in the service of American interests.

Pakistan’s relations with China have strengthened further. Several industrial zones have been set up in the country with Chinese help. This has infused a fresh life in Pakistani industry that had slackened and started shifting to Bangladesh and Malaysia. Several businesses have now relocated back to Pakistan. Faisalabad is the main beneficiary of the collaborative ventures. Granting the status of an industry to construction was yet another initiative which along with the textile industry has significantly contributed to revamp Pakistan’s beleaguered economy. The Naya Pakistan housing scheme deserves specific mention for opening new doors for employment. Two new cities being planned in the proximity of Lahore and Karachi are major steps in the right direction. The purpose is to relieve these mega cities of the burden of ever-increasing population which has ruined the civic amenities necessary for a healthy lifestyle. The Pakistani diaspora has been invited to participate in the economy through the Naya Pakistan certificates for investing their capital in Pakistan. The response has been positive.

The government also placed a lot of emphasis this year on protection of the environment. The prime minister’s personal interest in keeping the environment clean and conducive for human-animal existence has earned him and the country a great deal of international goodwill. He took a personal interest in the release of the elephant Kaavan, who was being mistreated, and helped in his transport out of Pakistan. Attempts to introduce battery-driven cars and encouraging everybody to plant trees were initiatives no previous government had exhibited any sensitivity towards. Another laudable step was the distribution of Health Insaf Insurance Card among the poor. Almost the entire population of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa will have received these cards by the end of this year. That indeed is a revolutionary step. The introduction of the same curriculum in all Pakistani schools met with a scathing criticism by experts. That scheme sounded quite quixotic in character and to a great extent impracticable. The government in its stead should think of opening up cadet schools at the district level with a nominal fee. Instead of opening universities, the emphasis should be on improving the school system.

With some positives for the government, a few lapses too merit mention. The crises of sugar and flour hoarding and inflation were constant irritants for the government. Imran’s team incurred severe criticism for its ineptness in resolving these issues. The fluctuating prices of petroleum products posed another challenge which exposed the government’s vulnerability in resolving vital issues to the satisfaction of the people. Hoarding of essential goods for domestic use and hike in the prices of consumer items rendered the government listless.

When this year was winding to a close two people of note left for their heavenly abode. Khadim Hussain Rizvi, the Barelvi leader, died at a relatively early age. He was given a tremendous send-off despite his polarising legacy. The other person, Mir Zafarullah Khan Jamali, was quite the opposite to Khadim Hussain Rizvi. He was the only politician from Balochistan to become Pakistan’s prime minister. Mir sahib was a thorough gentleman - a rare commodity among Pakistani politicians these days. The seasoned and even-tempered Jamali was a leader from the old school of politicians. He will be greatly missed.

All in all, the year 2020 brought grief and loss for a vast majority of Pakistanis. Hopefully, 2021 will bring some relief.


The writer is Professor in the faculty of Liberal Arts at the Beaconhouse National University, Lahore

Year 2020 brought grief and loss for a vast majority of Pakistanis