Karachi’s civic administrators have been tested hard by the extended monsoon season this year and found wanting. On August 27 the city received a record amount of precipitation. So far, over two dozen people have lost their lives in rain-related accidents across the city. Major streets, lanes, underpasses and highways have been inundated too frequently and to an extent lay citizens had never imagined possible. Vehicles have been stranded, immersed and swept away by water currents resulting from water spilling over from flyovers and local high points.

While the citizens proved remarkably resilient in the face of this unprecedented catastrophe, there appears to be no hope with respect to reform in Karachi’s planning, development and management affairs. The metropolis has taken the centre stage for incessant political wrangling and administrative manipulation.

It’s not as if no solutions have been proposed for fixing Karachi’s issues. Placing the city under federal rule has been one such recipe. The legal, administrative and political obstacles to this option notwithstanding, some segments of the society have come round to supporting this option. The traditional guardians and representatives of Sindh have rejected the proposition out of hand and called it preposterous. Some business leaders have called for an expanded role for the establishment in running the day to day affairs of Karachi. The ‘custodians’ of Karachi have sought greater powers and more resources for the local government. While addressing his farewell press conference on August 24, the mayor lamented his helplessness and inability to persuade the federal and the provincial governments to support the KMC. The tone and tenor of these narratives give the impression that one of these options, or a hybrid, can fix the perennial problems that Karachi faces. Unfortunately, this is not the case. Reliable research has established that Karachi’s affairs are hostage to a number of interest groups that jealously safeguard their turfs and territories.

The administrative class in the federal, provincial and local governments is the foremost interest group. They seem to be multiplying in numbers, departments and units. More than four dozen departments in the provincial government alone are entrusted with various responsibilities with regard to the city. Karachi also has several public offices and departments that perform no service (or only residual service) irrespective of their large staff cadres. Consider the recent decision to carve out a Keamari district. This will involve opening new offices for district administration, staffing, props and new heads of expenditure. Once opened, these will never be closed. No wonder, a lion’s share of public funds is consumed to keep this extended trail of bureaucracy wagging. The ranks of federal establishment also constitute a powerful entity in the metropolis. Cantonment boards, many housing estates and all military locations remain under their management. Priority infrastructure provisions to their locations, keeping their affairs largely independent, and drawing their own management and development guidelines remain the usual modus operandi of this important stakeholder. Recently the establishment ranks’ interst in real estate has increased tremendously. Many such ventures have turned sour. Fazaia housing scheme is a case in point.

Political, and quasi political action groups, too make up an important vested interest. They operate under the banners of various political parties at any given point in time. These folks are community leaders, petty entrepreneurs and small-scale contractors. Well connected with one or more political parties and covert elements of the establishment, these people offer to carry out various tasks. Party bosses and other entities acquire their services according to mutually agreed terms and conditions.

Investors and capitalists are another powerful group. This group has invisible links to global and regional players. It is always evaluating the opportunities for rent seeking enterprises in the city. It colludes with the political decision makers to promote and safeguard its interests. Identifying vacant land, converting existing low-density developments into high-density construction, pushing for change of rules and regulations to protect investments and blunting the scrutiny by judiciary and the media are some of its routine tactics. This group functions with the support of leaders on either side of political divide.

The so-called religious groups of various orientations make up another powerful interest group having enormous clout. Apart from managing the usual religious occasions and rituals, the religious class has very creatively expanded into economic activities. Places of worship are frequently developed without administrative sanction. Each of these than becomes a shelter for people on whose support the particular group counts for street power. Donations are zealously collected for construction of new facilities and expansion of the existing ones. Donated often by the faithful to enhance their tally of good deeds, the funds are used by the religious class at their own discretion.

Builders and developers constitute yet another vital interest group. From mega developers who launch schemes scaling the size of a town to petty builders in Lyari or the Punjab Colony, the range is wide. Their strong covert connections allow them to influence the building regulations, often to the detriment of the city and its citizens.

Consultants and contractors, too, have an important role in determining the direction of infrastructure and land development works in the city. They can convince every government, be it democratically elected or otherwise, that the construction of new structures, flyovers, buildings and the like is an emblem of development. Every year, therefore, a sizable portion of development allocations is set aside for construction of new facilities. Many of these ventures are advocated without a proper feasibility study. The result is school buildings, dispensaries and social amenities that never become functional.

This is not an exhaustive list. What these interest groups have in common is their capacity to influence decision making at various tiers of government in their favour. The phenomenon is not unique to Karachi; every city has its interest groups with selfish stakes to protect and negotiate. If the process is above board and a rational mechanism for consultation, negotiation and decision making is instituted, it does not have to be a problem. Rational urban planning builds on processes of conflict resolution among the interest groups, generates options for development and promotes management recipes that are beneficial for all, especially the common citizen. The sooner we realize this, the better it will be for Karachi and its residents.

The author is the dean of the Faculty of Architecture and Management Sciences at the   NED University, Karachi