ther things aside, if there was one thing political observers and critics could definitively appreciate the Defence Minister Khawaja Asif for, it would be his candid admission that Pakistan was being governed under a hybrid system, where the establishment and the political leadership shared power. Some, however, would disagree with his frank admission and argue that what is being called ‘hybrid’ is, in fact, ‘hybrid plus,’ as the establishment wields more influence currently than the political leadership. Interestingly, political observers say democratic forces are in no mood or position to challenge such a set-up.

Asif is the first politician from the ruling party who has not only admitted that the government is serving under a hybrid system but also gone on to say that it is performing well. Once a staunch critic of the establishment’s involvement in political decision-making, Asif now praises the hybrid governance.

“This is a hybrid model. It’s not a perfect democratic government. The hybrid arrangement is doing wonders. If this sort of [hybrid] model was adopted in the 1990s, things would have been much, much better. The confrontation between the establishment and the political governments then retarded the progress of our democracy,” he said in a recent interview.

Asif claimed that Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif was making independent decisions while constantly consulting the establishment.

Historically speaking, Pakistan has been ruled by an invisible hybrid system since its inception, apart from the 33 years of direct military rule under Ayub Khan, Zia-ul Haq, Yahya Khan and Pervez Musharraf.

The prime ministers who attempted a break with the arrangement lost their governments.

In 1988, Benazir Bhutto formed her first government, which remained under the influence of a hybrid system. She compromised on several portfolios and agreed to elect Ghulam Ishaq Khan, a close aide to Gen Zia, as the president. Her cabinet included Sahibzada Yaqoob Ali Khan as the foreign minister. She also accommodated several generals who had conspired against her. When she tried to assert independence in policy making, President Khan toppled her government.

In 1990, Nawaz Sharif, then the establishment’s choice, formed his first federal government. He was quick to realise that he was not free in decision making. President Ghulam Ishaq Khan again used his special powers to send the prime minister home.

Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif were again ousted in 1996 and 1999, respectively.

The invisible hybrid kept sending prime ministers—including Yousaf Raza Gillani and Nawaz Sharif—home before they could complete their tenures.

When asked about the party’s position, PPP leaders say that the party has already sacrificed precious lives for democracy. “We don’t need to offer more blood,” says a senior PPP leader. 

In 2018, the establishment made highly visible efforts to bring Imran Khan into power. After becoming the prime minister, Khan claimed that he and the establishment leaders were “on the same page” and lauded Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa. The day he sought to appoint generals in his independent discretion, a rift with the military leadership developed. It would not end until his removal through the first-ever successful no-confidence motion in Pakistan’s history.

Khan’s opponents blame him for giving the establishment greater space in political affairs and governance. What the ruling parties call ‘democracy’ is now ‘hybrid’ governance. Previously, the term ‘controlled democracy’ was used to describe a similar system.

Major political parties have remained silent on Asif’s statement. Prior to the 2024 elections, Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif had said: “I have been the apple of the establishment’s eye for the last 30 years.” It may have been a signal that he was comfortable with the establishment’s influence in governance and politics.

Nawaz Sharif, who led his party in the 2018 election with the ‘respect the vote’ slogan is mostly quiet nowadays, devoting most of his time mentoring his daughter Maryam Nawaz Sharif in the Punjab. Several members of his core team, who had resisted the establishment’s tampering with the politics—such as Khawaja Saad Rafiq, Rana Sanaullah and Javed Latif—failed to win elections and have been forced into silence. Being the biggest beneficiary of the system, the PML-N has little incentive to challenge it.

A PML-N stalwart, seeking anonymity, tells The News on Sunday, “After losing several governments and being victimised for years, we have become tired. We cannot change it.”

The PPP is the second biggest beneficiary of the hybrid governance system. It has the presidency, two provincial governments and two governorships. It, too, seems to have given up on the “democracy is the best revenge” slogan and lost its political muscle. When asked about the party’s position, some PPP leaders say that the party has already sacrificed precious lives for democracy. “We don’t need to offer more blood,” says a senior PPP leader.

Interestingly, the PTI’s incarcerated chief Imran Khan, too, has not issued any statement about Asif’s admission. However, his party colleagues Shah Mehmood Qureshi, Ejaz Chaudhry, Dr Yasmeen Rashid and Omar Sarfraz Cheema have issued a joint statement from Kot Lakhpat Jail, Lahore. “Khawaja Asif’s statement about the hybrid regime is a slur on democracy,” it said. “We believe that Asif’s statement is supported by his party since he is a PML-N stalwart.” The statement said that the people of Pakistan believe in true democracy and did not agree with his views.

As things stand, the next generation is likely to grow up under the hybrid governance system. Some political forces can, meanwhile, continue to maintain a facade of a thriving democracy.

The author is a senior journalist, teacher of journalism, writer and analyst. His X handle: @BukhariMubasher