he current regional disputes and military escalations can lead the world to a complete disaster. Given the situation, the obduracy of more powerful states has highlighted the limitations of global governance institutions like the United Nations that are meant to mediate, mitigate and resolve conflicts.

The UN, through its various organs—especially the Security Council, the General Assembly and specialised agencies, attempts to prevent the escalation of conflicts and mediate peace processes; however, various factors have contained its mandate and influence over the years.

The recent Pakistan-India escalation has once again exposed the weakness of the UN. When the UN kept calling for restraint, and Pakistan actually exercised restraint in response to Indian provocations, India went ahead with ‘retaliation’ for Pahalgam attack with massive missile and drone strikes in various Pakistani cities.

The Kashmir dispute has already triggered wars between the nuclear armed states. However, the UN has played only a limited, almost symbolic role. Its resolutions, including UNSC Resolution 47 (1948) calling for a plebiscite, have remained unimplemented. The former USSR, used its veto power in 1957, 1962 and 1971 to block UNSC resolutions critical of India or aimed at internationalising the Kashmir issue. The UN Military Observers Group in India and Pakistan, however, continues to monitor ceasefire violations along the Line of Control.

Then there is the Israel-Palestine conflict. The UN has passed numerous resolutions calling for a Two-State Solution, cessation of hostilities and respect for humanitarian law. However, political deadlocks—especially due to veto powers in the UNSC—have hindered effective intervention.

The key defence of Israel against the UN resolution remains the extensive support of the US. The US is the most frequent user of its veto power in support of Israel. It has blocked resolutions to condemn Israeli military actions, calls for withdrawal from occupied territories and support of Palestinian statehood or rights.

Since 1971, the US has used the veto over 40 times to protect Israel. It has blocked all resolutions criticising Israeli settlements on Palestinian land, military operations in Gaza and Lebanon and human rights violations in Jerusalem.

The International Criminal Court, a UN subsidiary body, has opened investigations into alleged crimes committed by both Israeli forces and Palestinian groups. Political opposition, especially from Israel and its allies, however, continues to complicate the proceedings.

On November 21, 2024, the ICC issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant on charges of using starvation as a method of warfare, murder, persecution and other inhumane acts during Israel’s military operations in Gaza. These warrants obligate the ICC’s 124 member states to arrest Netanyahu and Gallant if they enter their territory. However, the warrants could not be enforced as Israel and its principal ally, the US, rejected the ICC’s jurisdiction and dismissed the warrants, calling them discriminatory.

In the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war, the UN condemned the Russian invasion and called for respect for Ukraine’s sovereignty. The UNHCR and the OCHA worked on humanitarian aid, refugee coordination and also launched investigations into war crimes despite Russia’s veto power limiting direct Security Council action.

The International Court of Justice, the UN’s principal judicial organ, lacks enforcement power, yet it contributes to legal clarification of disputes. It has been hearing cases, filed by Ukraine against Russia under the Genocide Convention. The court’s preliminary rulings have symbolic legal weight in the international community.

On March 16, 2022, the ICJ issued a provisional order that Russia must immediately suspend its military operations in Ukraine and other countries must refrain from any actions that could aggravate or extend the dispute.

Though the ICJ rulings are legally binding, the court lacks direct enforcement mechanisms. Russia has dismissed the ICJ’s orders, challenging the court’s jurisdiction in this matter.

The UN and other international governance institutions, in fact, face significant constraints such as through ‘sovereignty.’ The plea is exploited by many states to reject international mediation in their disputes.

Another factor is the veto power held by the permanent members of the UNSC as it hinders the institution’s functioning during conflicts involving powerful nations.

Institutions like the ICJ and the ICC don’t have an effective enforcement mechanism to implement their decisions and appear helpless against powerful states.

What has damaged the reputation of the UN and other international governance institutions the most is a growing perception of bias and double standards.

One of the most influential intellectuals of the 21st Century, Noam Chomsky, has been a prominent critic of global governance institutions, especially the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank as well as various Western-led interventions. He has also criticised the global governance institutions for being dominated by powerful states – primarily the United States and its allies – and failing to function on truly democratic or equitable principles. He argues that while in theory global governance structures aim to promote peace, development and human rights, in practice, they often serve the strategic and economic interests of dominant powers—especially the United States. He writes, “International law is often a weapon of the powerful. It is interpreted and enforced in ways that serve their interests.”

In another paper, he writes, “There’s a standard principle in international affairs: we apply the rules to others, but not to ourselves.”

However, he does not reject the concept of global governance entirely. Instead, he stresses the need to reform these institutions to make them more democratic, accountable and representative; and free of influence of powerful states.

Most thinkers and intellectuals of the Third World countries think the same way. These institutions have to undergo reform to be able to work for global peace.

The author is a senior journalist, teacher of journalism, writer and analyst. His X handle: @BukhariMubasher