fter the dissolution of One Unit that had turned the entire West Pakistan into a single province, three rival political discourses emerged in Sindh. The first was articulated by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who championed a strong central government at the federal level. However, once his party, the Pakistan Peoples Party, came to power in Sindh following the 1970 elections, it leveraged Sindhi nationalism to garner support from the province’s populace. Additionally, Bhutto embraced a leftist ideology to resonate with leftist factions across the country.

The second discourse, based on Sindhi nationalism, was championed by GM Syed. Syed had played a significant role in the Muslim League before the Partition. However, he had later parted ways with the Muslim League and chosen a separate political path for himself and his followers.

Lastly, there was a discourse concerning the national question from a Marxist perspective. It was promoted by Rasool Bux Palijo and Fazil Rahu. Adopting Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as their guiding ideology and inspired by the Pakistan Resolution of 1940, Palijo and Rahu called for provincial autonomy.

Bhutto founded the Pakistan Peoples Party in 1967 after developing differences with the then-ruler of the country, Gen Ayub Khan. Hailing from a traditional Sindhi family, he had attended esteemed British and American universities. Having earlier served as Ayub Khan’s foreign minister, he had become one of his most prominent adversaries after the Tashkent Declaration.

Bhutto’s entry into politics was shaped by his upper-class roots and his family’s longstanding role in Sindhi politics, predating the Partition. Given this background, it is intriguing that he opposed the Tashkent Declaration, arguing that it could undermine Pakistan’s integrity. His education abroad had likely exposed him to ideologies at variance with his family’s traditional views. As Tahir Amin has noted, “Bhutto’s ideas were influenced by all three traditions: Islam, liberalism and Marxism.” The motto of his party— “Islam is our religion; Democracy is our polity; and Socialism is our economy”—reflects a remarkable synthesis of these diverse thought streams. In addition to advocating for socialism and democracy, Bhutto’s opposition to the Ayub regime garnered him support from nationalist circles across Pakistan, particularly in Sindh.

Syed Ghulam Murtaza Shah Kazmi, widely recognised as GM Syed, had played a significant role in advocating for the separation of Sindh from the Bombay presidency prior to the Partition of India. He was the first to move a resolution in favour of the Pakistan demand. Under his leadership Sindh became the first Muslim-majority province in undivided India to call for the creation of a Muslim homeland in 1943. Following the Partition, Syed remained active in politics, but his focus shifted from a federative approach to politics centred solely on Sindh. To further his political objectives, he established various parties and alliances. Notably, he founded the Sind Progressive Party in 1947. In 1953, he created the Sind Awami Mahaz, which in 1972 he renamed Jeay Sindh Mahaz.

GM Syed was not only a prolific political writer and intellectual but also an esteemed scholar whose work continues to educate and inspire many. Throughout his life, he represented a dissenting voice in Pakistani politics, exhibiting the courage and clarity to stand firm in his beliefs. His steadfast political stance frequently resulted in imprisonment, even though he was never convicted of any crime. Remarkably, Syed is perhaps the only politician in Pakistan who spent a considerable period (28 years) of his life in prison without facing any allegations of corruption.

The Awami Tehrik (People’s Movement) was established by Rasool Bux Palijo along with several other Sindhi politicians, including Fazil Rahu. Palijo, who had previously been associated with GM Syed’s Bazm-i-Sufia-i-Sindh movement aimed at promoting Sindhi nationalism throughout the region, eventually found himself at odds with Syed on certain issues. Consequently, he founded his own party, Sindhi Awami Tehrik (the Movement of the Sindhi People), in 1970. It was later renamed Awami Tehrik.

The Awami Tehrik’s ideology differed from that of both the Pakistan Peoples Party and the Jeay Sindh. The PPP employed various tactics, such as promoting a strong central government at the federal level while advocating for Sindhi nationalism regionally and maintaining an anti-Indian stance in the Punjab. In contrast, GM Syed’s Jeay Sindh was focused on Sindhi nationalism. Awami Tehrik, on the other hand, focused on advocating for the rights of the Sindhi people by demanding provincial autonomy in line with the Lahore Resolution of 1940. It also condemned Sindhi feudalism, which it viewed as a key factor contributing to the dire conditions faced by the people of Sindh.

Although the Pakistan Peoples Party was the originator of the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy, it did not gain significant momentum until Awami Tehrik joined it in 1983. The success of such movements hinges on mass support, which is difficult to achieve without the involvement of grassroots organisations. Awami Tehrik played a crucial role by mobilising various segments of the society into the political arena. The party established sister organisations under different names, such as Sindhiyani Tehrik to represent Sindhi women; Sindhi Shagrid Tehrik for Sindhi students; Sindhi Hari Tehrik for Sindhi peasants; Sindhi Mazdoor Tehrik for Sindhi labourers; and Sujaag Baar Tehrik to advocate for children, particularly school-going children. Additionally, Awami Tehrik helped united various political issues under a single banner, addressing national, class, democratic and women’s issues. The organisation has championed the slogan Awami, Jamhoori aien Qaumi Inqlab, which translates to The People’s, Democratic and National Revolution.

The three significant political discourses have played a pivotal role in shaping the politics of Sindh and continue to be relevant today. While other political groups and forces operate within Sindh, their political positions do not resonate as strongly as the narratives put forth by Bhutto, Syed and Palijo, which continue to command considerable support.

The writer is an assistant professor and chairman of the Department of History and Pakistan Studies at Aror University of Art, Architecture, Design and Heritage, Sukkur. He can be reached at qasim_shu2016@yahoo.com