Coalition blues

The latest cabinet expansion has done little to resolve discontent within the alliance

Coalition blues


T

he coalition government formed after the February 2024 elections in Pakistan was not a union of ideologies but a marriage of necessity aimed primarily at countering the political rise of Imran Khan. Comprising two major partners—the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz as the largest, and the Pakistan Peoples Party as the second-largest—along with several smaller allies from Sindh, Punjab, Balochistan, and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the government draws major strength from establishment support. After one year in power, Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif has expanded his cabinet in a bid to manage discord within his party and among coalition partners. However, this move has only exposed the fragility of the alliance, revealing the challenges of keeping everyone satisfied in a coalition built on competing interests rather than shared goals. With the cabinet now swelling to 30 federal ministers, nine ministers of state, four advisors, eight special assistants to the prime minister, and five coordinators, the government’s attempt to balance the demands of coalition partners, party factions and influential stakeholders has only added to the complexity of governance.

PPP, the second-largest coalition partner, has once again chosen to stay out of the federal cabinet. The decision underscores the deep-seated tensions and lack of trust within the alliance. Despite holding significant constitutional positions, including the presidency, the chairmanship of the Senate and governorships in Sindh and the Punjab, the PPP has consistently expressed dissatisfaction with the government. The party claims that it is frequently excluded from critical decision-making and has raised strong objections to policies such as the construction of new canals, warning that such projects could exacerbate inter-provincial tensions. Last week, President Asif Zardari highlighted these concerns in his speech to the joint session of the parliament. Additionally, a delegation led by PPP chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari met with Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif to discuss these issues. By maintaining this strategic distance, the PPP has sought to avoid direct responsibility for the government’s performance and kept its political options open. However, this has weakened the perception of unity within the coalition.

On March 11, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, speaking to the media at the parliament house, revealed that the PPP had not joined the federal cabinet despite recent inductions because the level of confidence between the two major coalition partners (the PPP and the ruling PML-N) remained low, even after the parliament entered its second year. “Neither was the confidence level sufficient at the time of government formation, nor has it improved after a year to the extent that the PPP could formally become part of the government,” he stated. This admission highlights the persistent mistrust and lack of cohesion between the two parties, further complicating the stability of the coalition.

Meanwhile, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Pakistan, another key coalition partner, is far from satisfied with its share of the pie. The party already had a member in the federal cabinet as Maqbool Siddiqui held the portfolio of Ministry of Education and Professional Training. Last week, Syed Mustafa Kamal was also made part of the federal cabinet and given the portfolio of the Ministry of Health Services and Regulations. Interestingly, both these ministries have jurisdictions limited to the Islamabad Capital Territory. This means that the MQM-P has no real power to address the pressing issues in Karachi, its political stronghold. The party had lobbied for more impactful ministries like Ports and Shipping or Maritime Affairs, which would have allowed it to influence matters relevant to its base in Karachi. However, these demands were reportedly resisted by the PPP, leaving the MQM-P feeling sidelined and frustrated. To make matters worse, in both ministries where the MQM-P has federal ministers, the prime minister has appointed ministers of state from the PML-N, further limiting their autonomy.

The Balochistan Awami Party, another coalition partner given a share in the federal cabinet, is also grappling with internal discord. The party had pitched Senator Manzoor Kakar for a cabinet position but instead saw its president, Khalid Magsi, appointed as minister for science and technology. While Magsi is considered close to Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif, the decision to overlook Kakar has caused unease in the BAP ranks. The party had initially lobbied for the Ministry of Communications, a portfolio that would have given it greater influence and reach to resources. The allocation of a ‘less significant’ ministry has left its members feeling shortchanged.

Within the PML-N too, there are murmurs of discontent. Dr Tariq Fazal Chaudhry, a member of the National Assembly from Islamabad, had lobbied for the Ministry of Health Services. This could have helped him accommodate people from his constituency and strengthen his support base in Islamabad. However, he was given the portfolio of Parliamentary Affairs, a role that overlaps with his existing responsibilities as the party’s chief whip. Senior figures like Abdul Rehman Kanju and Barrister Aqeel Malik, who were reportedly eyeing full ministerial positions, were instead appointed as ministers of state. The shuffling of ministries has also caused a measure of discord within the PML-N and has led to whispered complaints of favouritism and selective distribution of rewards within the party.

The appointment of Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif’s long-time trusted bureaucrat, Dr Tauqir Shah, as advisor to the Prime Minister’s Office has also raised eyebrows. Dr Shah, who was serving as executive director at the World Bank, recently resigned from his prestigious international role at the premier’s request. Shahbaz Sharif sought his return to bolster the efficiency and performance of his office. Dr Shah has been given the status of a federal minister. However, his presence in the PMO could limit the prime minister’s reach to politicians and increase reliance on the bureaucratic setup.

Adding to the intrigue are the appointments of people like Pervez Khattak as advisor on Interior Affairs, MNA Aurangzeb Khichi as federal minister, and MNA Mubarak Zeb Khan as SAPM. These three are perceived to be closer to the establishment than to the PM House.

The latest cabinet expansion, though aimed at placating coalition partners, has done little to resolve the deeper discontent simmering within the alliance. The PPP’s grievances about exclusion, the MQM-P’s frustration over limited jurisdictions, the BAP’s internal discord and the PML-N’s own dissatisfaction over portfolio allocations point to a coalition under strain. Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif now finds himself navigating an increasingly unwieldy cabinet, caught between satisfying coalition partners, managing party expectations and accommodating extra-political influences, trying all the while to deliver on the daunting promises of economic recovery, inflation control and governance reform.


The writer is an Islamabad-based, award-winning journalist, researcher and trainer with an interest in politics, society, and migration. He has worked with several media houses in leadership roles. His bylines have appeared in the LA Times, WSJ, The Washington Post, The Guardian and The Times, UK. He can be reached at aounsahi@gmail.com

Coalition blues