is topsy-turvy relations with the establishment apart, Maulana Fazl-ur Rehman, head of the religio-political Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam, still appeals to many. The reasons are aplenty: his vast political experience; shrewdly sensible modus operandi; and sharp wit among those. He knows the tricks of the trade just all too well. This is in his gene.

His father, the late Mufti Mehmood, became the NWFP chief minister while heading the third largest party in the provincial legislature. His son has, over the years, kept his beacon alight by staying relevant in all political circumstances.

As head of a 14-parties opposition alliance—the Pakistan Democratic Movement—he achieved remarkable success in 2022. With support from the powers that be, the alliance ousted Imran Khan’s government through the first-ever successful vote of no-confidence in the country’s checkered political history.

His biggest confrontation with the alliance came in the form of opposition to the 26th Constitutional Amendment last September. Then, too, he played his cards well.

Maulana Fazl-ur Rehman has been a compulsory element of Pakistan’s power politics. For his ability to adapt to changing political landscapes, he is sometimes described as a political chameleon. Ruling parties ignore him at their peril. He soon manages to stage a comeback.

His party, the JUI-F, had shaken hands with various political entities, except the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf, to achieve common goals. However, Maulana’s decision last year to switch tactics and prefer solo flight marks a notable shift.

Traditionally, political parties have lost public support when seen as pro-establishment by the people. Standings in general elections are a completely different ball game. Like many others, the Awami National Party has seen its fortunes dwindle for the same reason since 2008.

Many believe that the change in tactics is the manifestation of a trend: sole parties, once in a position of relative strength, can make better deals with the establishment than when in an alliance. Maulana knows this quite well. As far as history is concerned, it does not favour smaller entities like his. Therefore, he, too, has unwillingly jumped on an alliance bandwagon.

As far as his anti-establishment stance is concerned, political parties have benefitted when they try to choose an independent outlook. It gives them currency and legitimacy in the eyes of the people, much to the dislike of the ever-powerful establishment. Until the next elections, the JUI-F is trying to regain its lost public support; perhaps, in a way, even to exact revenge against the establishment.

Following the 2024 general elections, the JUI-F was completely ignored during the days leading to the formation of the government. Since the PML-N and the PPP had enough members in the parliament, Maulana was overlooked. But bigger parties always forget that they while they may find smaller parties inconsequential when it comes to distributing ministries and forming governments, sometimes these same smaller parties hold the key when numbers for a legislation is required.

Political parties with smaller representation in the parliament often get ignored. We witnessed the ruling coalition do the same, not only during government formation but also when it initiated an important dialogue with the largest opposition party, the PTI. Many smaller parties like the JUI were ignored.

The government was forced into the dialogue by its single biggest need: political stability in the country. Persistent instability affects everyone and everything. A consultation with smaller parties would have not only strengthened the treasury’s hands but could have also generated a workable formula; the Maulana could have suggested a better way to deal with the PTI.

But apparently no one thought of it. This is because of a lack of democracy, in and outside political parties. Achieving wider agreement is a bonus and useful thing to have in parliamentary politics. Perhaps, a useful understanding could have been reached by both sides agreeing to appointing Maulana Fazl-ur Rehman as a mediator. The PTI may have hesitated but they know well the value of a jirga maar (jirga holder) and where they draw their strength from.

Not long ago, we saw how a lack of agreement with smaller parties almost backfired in securing the passage of the 26th Amendment.

The PTI has done the same thing. Their leader’s wish to fly solo has increased his problems. They seem to not have taken smaller parties into confidence on their campaign against the government. We saw a few meetings between Maulana Fazl-ur Rehman and Asad Qaiser. But they remained unfruitful. Getting smaller parties to join their anti-government campaign could still work for the PTI. It can bring more pressure on the government in meeting their demand for the establishment of the two judicial commissions to inquire into the May 9 and November 26 incidents, though both these are primarily PTI’s demands.

The skilled Maulana can be useful for the establishment too, when it comes to dealing with Afghanistan’s hardline ruling group and the militants in Pakistan. He still has significant utility.

By moving away from coalition politics, the Maulana aims to achieve this in a more sensible manner than the PTI. We might see the JUI-F going solo until the next general elections. Any decision regarding staying solo or forging a new alliance could be decided closer to the next elections.

The Maulana, like many Pakistanis, had known that lack of progress in the dialogue between the government and the PTI was a forgone conclusion. The PTI is now aiming to hit the streets in a display of power. For now, all talks are off. In a public statement, the Maulana has asked both sides to change their attitude towards talks. It sounds like he has some suggestions up his sleeve.

But transition to solo politics is also fraught with many challenges. After last year’s electoral defeat, his anger appears to have grown milder, even if not entirely vanished. We see him attacking the powers that be but in a veiled manner. The performance of the PML-N-PPP coalition government will afford him more opportunities to regain his political clout.

The writer, a journalist for 33 years, has been an editor at the BBC in Pakistan for over two decades. Currently, he is the managing editor at Independent Urdu