In a recent report, The Economist took a swipe at Pakistan’s rising global clout with a piece titled, ‘Would you shelter under Pakistan’s nuclear umbrella?’
The headline alone drips with the kind of patronising scepticism, all too common in sections of the Western media, that reduces Pakistan to an uncertain challenger rather than the strategic heavyweight it has become.
The article, published on September 22, 2025, framed a landmark mutual defence pact between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia – signed just days earlier – as a curious gamble, with Riyadh cozying up to a “cash-poor but arms-rich” ally. But this is no experiment. Pakistan isn’t seeking shelter; it is offering it. Its rise from relative isolation just five years ago to a linchpin of regional alliances demands recognition, not derision.
The pact, formalised on September 17, 2025, by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, explicitly commits both parties to collective defence, stating that “any aggression against either country shall be considered an aggression against both”.
This significant shift formalises a decades-old partnership, which began during the tenure of prime minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in the 1970s and was further institutionalised with a comprehensive bilateral security agreement in 1982. Under that agreement, Saudi military personnel have long received training in Pakistan, and Pakistani troops have been deployed to Saudi Arabia in various capacities for over four decades. Estimates place the current number of Pakistani military advisory and security personnel in Saudi Arabia at around 1,500 to 2,000.
Critics often dismiss Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal – estimated at around 170 warheads, deployable through Shaheen ballistic missiles, Babur cruise missiles and the MIRV-capable Ababeel system – as a geopolitical burden, while overlooking Israel’s undeclared stockpile amid its ongoing campaign in Gaza, described by many as the worst genocide since the Second World War.
The new pact, however, explicitly extends Pakistan’s nuclear deterrent umbrella to Saudi Arabia, offering a potent counterweight to regional threats, especially from Israel. Notably, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian endorsed the Saudi-Pakistan defence agreement, calling it the first step toward a “comprehensive regional security system” rooted in cooperation among Muslim states.
If this ‘nuclear umbrella’ were inconsequential, it would not have stirred intense discussion in Washington and Beijing. US officials are actively evaluating Islamabad’s extended deterrent posture, as China sees new entry points for influence in the Gulf. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s meeting on September 26, 2025, with US President Donald Trump – the first such meeting since 2019 – highlighted this evolving dynamic.
Convened in the Oval Office and attended by Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff Field Marshal Asim Munir and senior US officials, the discussions highlighted growing cooperation on regional security, economic investments – especially in critical minerals – and counterterrorism.
The Economist’s narrative that Pakistan remains economically fragile conflicts with Pakistan’s demonstrated resilience. Its GDP has rebounded to roughly $410 billion in 2025 after near-collapse in 2022, helped by IMF stabilisation programmes and significant Chinese investment through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Bilateral trade with China surpassed $23 billion in 2024 and continues to grow steadily, underpinning strategic economic ties.
The Saudi pact crowns half a decade of skilful diplomacy, transforming Pakistan from a regional pariah to a central player. In 2020, Pakistan faced international sanctions, FATF grey-list restrictions, frozen trade with India after the Pulwama incident, and deep economic shocks from the Covid-19 pandemic. The geopolitical landscape was fraught: Afghanistan’s Taliban takeover, cross-border tensions with Iran and unresolved conflicts with Bangladesh further isolated Islamabad. Its appeals on Kashmir were often muted at the UN and its decision to remain neutral on the Ukraine conflict underscored limited diplomatic influence.
Since 2022, however, Pakistan’s fortunes have undergone a significant shift. Infrastructure projects under the CPEC have accelerated, including the expansion of highways, the upgrading of Gwadar port facilities and the development of new energy sources. Washington, seeking partners after its exit from Afghanistan, resumed dialogue. By 2023, the seven-year frozen trade talks with the US recommenced. The return of Donald Trump as president in 2025 accelerated engagement with energy deals, commendations for Pakistan’s military efforts in stabilising Afghan violence and talks about new investment corridors involving his political allies.
The Gulf countries further intensified their strategic partnerships. Saudi Arabia rolled over multibillion-dollar deposits; the UAE pledged up to $10 billion in new investments; Qatar and Kuwait likewise committed billions and eased long-standing visa restrictions. These were not aid packages but bullish bets on Pakistan’s strategic importance, vividly demonstrated during the 2023 IDEAS defence expo in Karachi, which attracted record foreign military contracts.
Pakistan’s removal from the FATF grey list by late 2022 further bolstered investor confidence, while diplomatic soft power blossomed. Bilawal Bhutto Zardari played an important role in countering negative narratives in Western capitals.
The real geopolitical test arrived in May 2025, when escalating India-Pakistan tensions after the Pahalgam attacks and India’s ‘Operation Sindoor’ threatened full-scale conflict. Pakistan, leveraging Chinese weapons and satellite intelligence, agreed to a ceasefire mediated by Donald Trump, with tangible diplomatic results: the World Bank announced a multi-year partnership framework pledging approximately $40 billion in projects, Russia expanded investments in Pakistan Steel, Iran vowed to grow bilateral trade and Azerbaijan signed a $4.6 billion contract for JF-17 fighter aircraft.
Afghanistan formally joined the second phase of CPEC, while Bangladesh welcomed a historic visit by Pakistani officials. Armenia also moved to forge stronger relations at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit, marking Pakistan’s growing regional influence. At the UN, Pakistan chaired the Security Council, pushing sanctions on Taliban factions and spearheading counterterrorism efforts. Turkey reignited the Jammu and Kashmir debate on the UN floor, thwarting India’s attempts to isolate Pakistan diplomatically.
In this light, the Saudi defence pact is no diplomatic curiosity but a capstone reaffirming Pakistan’s deterrence as a shield for allies, not just a bargaining chip for aid. Ignoring this is to dismiss Riyadh’s trust, Washington’s engagement, and Beijing’s strategic calculus. The double standard is glaring – as Al Jazeera noted, the agreement “reshapes the region’s geopolitics”, bolstering Pakistan’s leverage vis-a-vis India and Iran.
Pakistan sits at a vital geographic crossroads linking the Middle East, South Asia and Central Asia, making it indispensable in regional power calculations. Although Pakistan was relatively marginalised around 2020 due to economic difficulties, diplomatic strain with the US and India, and FATF restrictions, it has regained centrality.
The Economist may mock its nuclear umbrella, but Pakistan's regained stature is no laughing matter. From ceasefire mediation to multi-billion-dollar partnerships, it is offering shelter – not seeking it. The Economist’s scepticism is outdated and rooted in bias; Pakistan’s ascent is rewriting the rules.
The writer is former head of Citigroup’s emerging markets investments and author of ‘The Gathering Storm’.