American exceptionalism

In China’s case, it is America, Japan, South Korea, and even Taiwan that are used as consistent threats to China’s integrity

By Dr Naazir Mahmood
January 19, 2025
A picture shows a US flag fluterring. — AFP/File

What happens when a nation feels imprisoned in its own myths? Perhaps it starts considering itself as an exceptional nation. That is the subject matter of a new book by Dr Ghazanfar Hashmi that I recently came across and found informative and interesting.

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Ghazanfar Hashmi is essentially a broadcaster and journalist who has ventured into multiple disciplines including geopolitics, international studies, literature, mass communication, and research on public policy. He has been promoting cultural and public diplomacy across borders by engaging with research organisations and think tanks in many countries, especially in the US. ‘Exceptionalism’ as we find it in many nation-states appears to be his main area of interest lately and his latest book ‘A nation imprisoned in myths’ is an interesting and timely addition to the existing literature on this subject.

Starting with an insightful introduction to national exceptionalism, he traverses through the history and nature of American exceptionalism and its consequences on national and international politics. Of course, many facets to exceptionalism need our consideration before we can actually comprehend this notion and Hashmi guides us through the trajectory of this concept as it evolved through the past many decades. Americans have their own way of defining and feeling how exceptional they are, but there are many commonalities with other nations too that Hashmi discusses in detail.

The main thrust of the book is that if a country or a nation does want to prove to the world that it is ‘exceptional’ in one way or the other, it must nurture more statespersons and visionary leaders than politicians. If we apply this to countries such as Pakistan, there appears a clear lack of such leaders who can actually give a vision rather than just pandering to the public demand or trying to curry favour with the establishment. From Altaf Hussain and Asif Zardari to Imran Khan and Shehbaz Sharif we have had many more politicians and demagogues than visionary leaders.

Another point that Hashmi discusses in detail is the ambition of politicians in a majority of countries to set lofty goals without proper homework and then lead the country and their people into a blind alley. Again, Pakistani politicians such as Altaf Hussain and Imran Khan come to mind who blatantly misled their followers and ended up making a mess of their leadership, if there was any. Hashmi asserts that just like Americans many other nations feel they are exceptional, with a special role to play in the world.

Just look at the rhetoric that we hear nearly every day in Pakistan such as: ‘Pakistan is a frontline state’, ‘our country is the fort of Islam’, ‘we are undefeatable’, ‘we are the chosen people’, ‘we have the best talent in the world’, ‘we are number one’, ‘we are indestructible’, ‘Pakistan has a unique destiny’, ‘it has the best geostrategic location’, ‘we have the best canal system in the world’, ‘we have divine protection’, ‘Pakistan means the land of the pure’, and so many other cliches that you hear ad nauseam.

Similarly, Hashmi points out that a large number of American people believe and think of themselves as a chosen nation with a mission to spread democracy and liberty. Their claim to be defenders of human rights sounds hollow, but they keep repeating it. In fact, the US is a country that rather than protecting human rights and spreading ideals of democracy and liberty, has been supporting military dictators and has played an instrumental role in replacing democratic regimes with dictatorships in many countries, including Pakistan. It is perhaps safe to say that the US hardly has the required characteristics and traits that make any nation exceptional.

Hashmi suggests that exceptionalism is in most cases just a myth rather than a reality; not many countries are ready to accept this and keep basking in their own imaginary state of uniqueness. Then there is also a desire in many countries and nations to play a ‘leadership’ role at least in the region – if not at the global level. Just look at India which wants to dominate not only South Asia but also has lately developed aspirations to play a ‘leadership’ role in the entire Asia-Pacific region; or Pakistan which wants to be a leader of the entire Muslim Ummah.

Afghanistan under Taliban rule wants to be the role model for a Shariah-compliant nation; Iran aspires to be an ideal state of Shia religious governance. Turkey has its own exceptionalism still coloured with its ‘glorious’ Ottoman past as portrayed in numerous TV serials from Ertughral to Kurulus Osman, that many in Pakistan have watched and fancied about including Imran Khan who urged his followers to watch these dramas that show ‘exceptional’ qualities of Muslim leaders in the past. These exceptional qualities mostly revolve around chivalry and masculinity coupled with feminine beauty and intrigue.

Hashmi also discusses in his book whether America has lost its exceptionalism and the causes the US must eliminate to be on the road to recovery. In most cases, exceptionalism has become more of a hindrance than a facilitator to progress and prosperity in the world. If exceptionalism reaches a dangerous proportion – as it has in many countries including America – Hashmi suggests a roadmap for conducting a country’s internal threat assessment. Threat perception is a constant feature in most nations that consider themselves exceptional. America had a heightened threat perception of communism during the cold war; and now it has made China and terrorism a primary threat to America.

In China’s case, it is America, Japan, South Korea, and even Taiwan that are used as consistent threats to China’s integrity. For India, it is China and Pakistan that must be considered as permanent threats. Examples abound and so does the increasing exceptionalism and the resultant insecurity and war preparedness.

‘A nation imprisoned in myths’ has four parts. Part one, ‘A focus on what makes a country special and exceptional’, has six chapters. Part two, ‘The case of American exceptionalism: the legacy’, is the longest and most insightful, containing eleven chapters. In the chapter titled ‘Origin and history of the phrase’, Hashmi writes: “The term ‘Exceptionalism’ was first used to describe the innovative social elements that America was blessed with in de Tocqueville’s seminal and oft-quoted book, ‘Democracy in America’. He believed that America offered the “best example of equality in action of governing.”

In chapter five of part two, ‘How American exceptionalism is different from other countries’, the author explains: “American exceptionalism is based on the following basic principles: natural law, liberty, limited government, individual rights, checks and balances of government, popular sovereignty, the civilizing role of religion in society, and the crucial role of civil society and civil institutions in grounding and mediating American democracy and individual freedom. However the belief in these principles is not exclusive to Americans; it is a shared belief that all people around the world ought to enjoy these principles.”

However, it remains a moot point that, while the US claims to stand for liberty, individual rights and popular sovereignty, it has been blatantly supporting atrocities perpetrated by a state in the name of the right to self-defence.

In the 21st century, the US has been responsible for the invasion of Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya, resulting in millions of casualties in this region. Perhaps there should have been a more critical analysis of American foreign policy which is lacking in the book; otherwise, it is a compact reading of hardly 150 pages.


The writer holds a PhD from the University of Birmingham, UK. He tweets/posts NaazirMahmood and can be reached at: mnazir1964yahoo.co.uk

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