ISLAMABAD: Religious parties have stopped short of giving any deadline to the Punjab government to rescind the Protection of Women Against Violence Act 2015, perhaps realising that any destabilisation would not serve any political purpose or force.
Another apparent reason behind their decision not to issue any cutoff date to the provincial administration to revoke the law is that the Punjab government has expressed its willingness to accommodate their objections to the act in the rules that would be framed for its implementation.
“We have assured the religious parties that their reservations would be largely taken care of, but we have also made it clear to them that the law would not be taken back altogether,” a senior Punjab government leader told The News.
On the face of it, the religious parties also understood that this was not the time for any unnecessary political uproar when the military operation Zarb-e-Azb and other similar drives against terrorists were going on with full speed.
But they articulated their total rejection of the Punjab law and resolved to introduce their own bill for women’s protection and empowerment in the National Assembly as well as the Senate. However, this bid lacks even slight prospects of success because they have highly negligible numerical strength in the parliament. Additionally, no other party or group having a significant majority in the Parliament is willing to support them.
Immediately after the passage of the Punjab law, these religious parties have asked the provincial government to withdraw it or face a 1977 like agitation that resulted in the unfortunate toppling of the Zulfikar Ali Bhutto government by General Ziaul Haq, pushing Pakistan into a long dark era. But still the very objective of the agitation was not achieved.
There are also other reasons behind these parties’ decision not to take an extreme position where the government lands in a deep crisis. Most of them, which matter because of their following, have substantial stakes in the continuation of the democratic system as they have got their due share from it and are enjoying it.
Among them, Jamiate Ulemae Islam-Fazl (JUI-F) led by Maulana Fazlur Rehman is the most powerful religious party. It is a strong ally of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and has gained more than it deserves. It has two federal ministers, the Chairman of the Council of Islamic Ideology, chairmanship of the Kashmir committee, and the office of the deputy chairman of the Senate.
Not only to keep his religious following intact but also add something to it, Fazlur Rehman has to take the present stand against the Punjab law. But he never drives the situation to the breaking point where instability shows its tentacles threatening the system.
The other formidable party in the grouping, the Jamaat-e-Islami, relishes in its street power but ironically doesn’t have much say in the Parliament. However, it has a significant stake in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) government for being the coalition partner of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf. It had intelligently stayed away from the PTI’s destructive attempt made in 2014 to rock the democratic system. At the same time, it continued its coalition with the PTI in KP. That was a tricky situation for the Jamaat-e-Islami but it raced through it prudently without budging from its stand to side with the democratic system.
Prof Sajid Mir, chief of his own Jamiat Ahle Hadith, was also part of the Lahore deliberations, but he is never expected to go against Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif for being his staunch ally all the time.
Jamaatud Dawa chief Hafiz Mohammad Saeed, JUI-Sami head Maulana Samiul Haq, Dr Abul Khair Zubair, Hafiz Aakif Saeed, Allama Sajid Naqvi, Pir Ejaz Hashmi, Pir Abdur Rahim Naqshbandi and Pir Haroon Gilani may have some pockets of influence in different parts, but it is no match to the power of the main components of the assemblage. All these minuscule parties have no representation in the parliament and are unable to win even a single federal or provincial seat if they decide to contest any elections.
Sarwat Ijaz Qadri of Sunni Tehreek, who along with others created a scene by occupying the D-Chowk Islamabad last week, did not figure among the participants.
However, thedeclaration prepared by a24-member steering committee, headed by Jamaat-i-Islami leader Liaquat Baloch, which was released at the end of the conference,demanded release of those arrested in the federal capital in connection with the protest against the execution of police commando Mumtaz Qadri and withdrawal of cases against them.
But none of these parties either attended the Islamabad protest or expressed solidarity with it when it was in progress for four days. Also, no leader of any of these parties jumped in to bring about reconciliation between the agitators and the government when a deadlock emerged. However, some of them had attended the funeral prayers of Qadri in Rawalpindi but exhorted the participants to remain peaceful. They had succeeded in their effort.
The declaration expressed strong opposition to any amendment in the blasphemy law. However, it is a fact that no changes are being contemplated at any official level in this law.