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| The summer of '77 |
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Reality check
Friday, July 10, 2009
Shafqat Mahmood
The assumption of power by the Zia dictatorship in July '77 has left deep scars on the psyche of this nation. Last week, not only the PPP, from prime minister down, recalled that horrible time, the Honourable Chief Justice of Pakistan also described it as a dark period of our history.
Ayub also ruled for over ten years, but this kind of anger is not visible against him. In fact, many among the ruling classes remember his rule fondly as a golden period. While this is debateable, his was a relatively benign period.
Zia is hated for a number of reasons. He murdered the first truly popular political leader of this country, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. His was the most brutal of our martial laws and it is he who laid the groundwork for the unleashing of the Taliban twenty years later.
Every year too, there are a number of people who write their reminiscences of that period. I cannot claim to have any inside information, being too junior a civil servant at that time. But I was by chance a witness to some of the minor events of the July 5, 1977, takeover.
I first met Zia-ul-Haq in 1976 when he was Corps Commander of Multan, although his appointment as chief of the army staff had been announced. He came with his wife to Pakpattan, where I was assistant commissioner, to pray at the shrine of Baba Farid.
He appeared to be an unassuming man and quite the antithesis of a general of the Pakistani Army. Dressed in a loose kurta-pajama, he was short, wore thick glasses, and constantly pushed his false lower front teeth up and down. I remember remarking how unsuitable he looked to be a future commander of our military force.
There was no follow-up meeting that year, though he was kind enough to write a letter of thanks after he had taken over as Chief. In due course, I was posted to Murree as assistant commissioner in April 1977 at the height of the PNA agitation. It was a tough time but Murree being a tourist resort, the residents were not too keen to spoil their businesses because of politics, and it was contained.
Although the military had nothing to do with civil administration at that time, I came in frequent contact with Major General (later General) Akhtar Abdul Rehman, who was general officer commanding (GOC) of 12 Division Murree.
It was an interesting relationship, given the difference in our ages and seniority, but the fact was that he was the highest-ranking military officer in town, and I, a very junior 27-year-old, was the senior civil officer. He was keen to maintain a direct connection and I welcomed it.
The way the political events in the country were unfolding, the possibility of a martial law could not be ruled out, but when it did come, it was a surprise. The PNA and the PPP, after detailed negotiations, seemed to have sorted out matters, and on the evening of July 4 there were reports that the last glitches had been resolved. Martial law seemed a remote possibility that night.
I was woken up at about 4.30 in the morning of July 5 by a provincial minister, Dr Abdul Khaliq, who was staying in one of the rest houses. He asked me whether martial law had been imposed. I told him to that I had heard nothing, advised him to stay calm, and went back to sleep.
I was woken up again at 5.30, and this time by a staff officer from the 12 Division headquarter. He did not say anything about martial law but said that the General had called a meeting at eight am and I should attend. I knew then that the deed had been done, because never before had a staffer called me. It was always the General himself. The power equation had dramatically changed.
During the meeting, I was told that Mr Bhutto and all the PNA leaders were being brought to Murree. The former prime minister was to be lodged in the Governor's House and the PNA leadership in Punjab House. The civil administration was asked to make all the necessary arrangements. General Akhtar also asked me to accompany him while receiving Mr Zulfikar Ali Bhutto who was scheduled to arrive at 5 p.m.
Later in the day, we left for the Governor's House in a very sombre mood. I remember asking General Akhtar what will become of the Constitution because it had taken us a long time to forge a consensus on basic issues facing the country. He did not know and, to be fair, looked perturbed.
Mr Bhutto arrived, accompanied by his military secretary, Brig (later Major General) Imtiaz, and a long convoy of security vehicles. He looked angry, indeed furious, and I was quite content to be in the shadow of the General who received him first. Mr Bhutto gave him a stern look, a perfunctory handshake and then in a preoccupied manner shook my hand. I remember being happy that he did not unleash his famous temper on us. Without saying a word, he went inside.
Late at night, six of the PNA leaders arrived, including Mufti Mahmood, Air Marshal Asghar Khan, Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, Professor Ghafoor, and a few others whom I don't remember. They seemed in a jovial mood, other than the Air Marshal, who was angry at being detained.
A sumptuous dinner had been arranged for them and they all ate heartily. Mufti Mahmood being the keenest and Air Marshal relatively reticent. Some of the military officers and I also joined them. Much revelry was seen at the table and the only sour note was Asghar Khan attacking me as representative of a civil administration that had used excessive force to quell the PNA agitation. There was no need to say anything and I kept quiet.
General Zia made two visits to Murree during this period. One was for his famous last meeting with Mr Bhutto. This happened, if I recall correctly, about ten days after the takeover. I presented myself at the Governor's House before his arrival and saw Mr Bhutto pacing in the lobby. I went up and shook his hand but he, for good reasons, seemed absent-minded and did not say much.
Soon thereafter General Zia arrived accompanied by Mr Ghulam Ishaq Khan and Generals Chishti and Arif. I received him but he obviously did not remember me. What struck me was how rude Ghulam Ishaq Khan was with Mr Bhutto. The former prime minister greeted him warmly but the dour bureaucrat did not crack a smile and even avoided shaking his hand.
I am not privy to what happened inside although reports are that Mr Bhutto gave it to Zia. It is often said that this meeting was a turning point and stiffened Zia's resolve to eliminate Mr Bhutto.
Waiting in the lobby, I was amused by the antics of one Noora, personal valet to Mr Bhutto, who treated the Generals waiting outside, including Chishti and Arif, in a most cavalier manner. He was, like his master, unaware of what fate held in store for them.
Zia's second visit was to meet some of the PNA leaders. But that is another story, and more some other time.
Email: shafqatmd@gmail.com
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ISSN 1563-9479 
