close
Friday March 29, 2024

Where do we go from here?

Had it not been for an intrepid counter-attack by the airmen of Pakistan Air Force – who were later joined by an equally emboldened Quick Reaction Force (QRF) of the Pakistan Army – on that fateful early morning of September 18 at the PAF Badaber Camp, the loss of precious

By our correspondents
October 14, 2015
Had it not been for an intrepid counter-attack by the airmen of Pakistan Air Force – who were later joined by an equally emboldened Quick Reaction Force (QRF) of the Pakistan Army – on that fateful early morning of September 18 at the PAF Badaber Camp, the loss of precious human lives would have surpassed those we suffered at the APS Peshawar last year.
Doubtlessly, such sporadic incidents are a part of the anticipated ‘blowback’ post Operation Zarb-e-Azb, blowback that is now manifesting itself in the form of dastardly attacks on innocent people by terrorists who have gone into hiding and are operating as sleeper cells. We need a serious dissection of our poor performance vis-à-vis such debilitated structures of skeleton miscreants who seem to be on the rampage and penetrating our fake and fickle civilian defence network. Add to this the lurking fear of Daesh gaining ground in this region and the future presents a horrifying picture.
After the Peshawar APS tragedy last year, we made a solemn pledge to quickly formulate a National Action Plan (NAP) and revive the National Counter Terrorism Agency (Nacta) – both aimed at handling the larger aspects of terrorism and the envisaged reaction from the NWA operation. However, neither has NAP been executed forcefully nor has Nacta been revived. Both of these had to be handled by the civil administration and it was imperative to accord them the highest priority given the precarious security situation in the country, and because protecting the life and property of the citizens is the first and foremost obligation of the government.
The level of seriousness and responsibility in this regard can be gauged from the fact that the Rs25 billion needed to raise the structure of Nacta were never provided and police reforms, which should have been the cornerstone of our counterterrorism strategy, have failed to earn a mention in our highly trumpeted National Action Plan.
The government has been procrastinating and projecting a false impression that the armed forces will undertake Operation Zarb-e Azb across the length and breadth of the country. Nothing could be further from the truth since the army is neither responsible nor is it equipped to extend its vigilance to every nook and corner of our cities and towns. As a universal phenomenon, the police along with the civil intelligence agencies (FIA and IB in our case) are indeed responsible for this task. It is strange that the ISPR has been silent on this very vital subject of delineation of responsibility.
The war on terror is far from over, and if the civil administration is not pushed to gear up its relevant departments, the euphoria of exponentially rising ascendency against terrorism may soon die its own death. Since failure is not an option at this point, it is incumbent upon those who bear the broad responsibility of national security to nudge others to wake up and deliver their part of the goods.
Similarly, we know that a Herculean effort was needed to establish military courts for speedy trials of the terrorists who were otherwise escaping punishment due to serious weaknesses in our prevalent judicial system. However, the catch in the new arrangement was that these courts will handle only those cases that were referred to them by the federal government. Someone from the relevant quarters needs to answer an intriguing question: how many such cases have been put up to the military courts so far and is it not preposterous to reduce this exceptional arrangement made for a limited period of only two years to an illusory paper exercise?
Along with the commitment to deal properly with terrorism, there was another unanimous decision by the government that the Rangers be handed over control of the law and order situation in Karachi and asked to undertake operations against the crime mafias who were holding the city hostage. Consequently, we witnessed the military-cum-Rangers led drive for accountability, which is being accomplished in collaboration with the FIA and NAB.
In a complementary effort, the Supreme Court of Pakistan has prodded NAB to prepare and put up those mega corruption cases pertaining to the high and mighty which have been lying with them untouched due to fear of retribution. Understandably, there is extraordinary outrage and powerful lobbying from the concerned quarters to create hurdles in this nascent and rather unparalleled effort to cleanse the core system. Since a selfish environment has never permitted such an endeavour to come to fruition, the poor masses of this ill-fated country, who have been looted and plundered for decades, are watching with bated breath whether this process will be even-handed and taken to a logical conclusion.
The real dilemma in our anti-corruption and counter-terrorism campaign (other than NWA where the enemy was clearly defined) is the identification of criminal elements followed by uniform action without any discrimination. It was the right decision to start with Sindh where this menace had assumed unacceptable proportions. While we have done well on this account as is evident from the rapidly improving law and order situation in Karachi, is it not time to move to other areas too where similar action is needed?
If our memories serve us well, this nation was informed by the law minister in Punjab even before launching Operation Zarb-e-Azb in NWA that plans were afoot to strike nearly 250 known terrorist dens in southern Punjab. Is it not safe to assume that this region still remains infested with those deadly terrorists who were never targeted because we got overly occupied in first the northern and then the southern part of the country?
We also remember an infamous public statement by the Punjab chief minister in which the terrorists were asked to keep their activities away from his province. Has the southern Punjab brigade been guided to stay underground and avoid provocation that may spell disaster for them? Likewise, the process of accountability seems to be hardly moving in Punjab. Information regarding corruption in mega projects and delinquencies by individuals is doing the rounds but no Sindh-like action is in the offing.
In the circumstances described above, the military-led campaign against ‘terrorism’ and ‘corruption’ has started to come under serious question. Additionally, the recent remarks by the federal interior minister that the Rangers had no right to conduct accountability have revealed the government’s obstructive mindset. The army is out to salvage Pakistan and enjoys unprecedented popularity based purely on current performance, which is in sharp contrast to that of its indecorous past. It has an excruciatingly arduous task to extricate the teeming millions of this nation from insecurity caused by a whirlpool of seventy years old chronic maladies.
As the noose tightens and the fort of Punjab comes under threat, the inimical forces will group together and apply all means, right or wrong, to discredit and demolish the ongoing process of accountability to seek self-protection and guard their own interests. If they succeed, the fallout is not difficult to predict – a self-granted clean chit and further oppression of the oppressed.
The army having committed to an onerous task with a veritable rescue plan for the people needs to take a decision to halt, retreat, or go all out and smash every obstacle in its way. This is a decision that ought to have been taken before this operation was launched. Such decisions are not pondered over midstream.
The writer is a former vice chief of the air staff.
Email: shahidlateef57@gmail.com